L. Fituni, I. Abramova Resource Potential of Africa and Russia's ...
L. Fituni, I. Abramova Resource Potential of Africa and Russia's ... L. Fituni, I. Abramova Resource Potential of Africa and Russia's ...
This theoretic and scientific aura helped to present economic links with Africa not just as a utilization of economic opportunities but rather as a fulfillment of ideological obligations and duties by the allegedly more developed and mature working class of the Soviet Union to peoples that only embarked on the way of the struggle for progress and freedom. The independent African states were trying to accomplish the tasks facing them, first of all by creating multi-sectoral national economies and restructuring them. However, they came up against enormous difficulties on this course. Though the fact is rarely mentioned these days, but under the conditions of the Cold War, governments of young African states faced much opposition from internal pro-Western forces, former colonial powers and transnational corporations. In those circumstances, many countries applied for assistance to the Soviet Union. A distinct group of African states emerged, that identified their strategic developmental goals with the experience of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. Sometimes the leadership of those African nations had also shared the Marxist ideological platform, though, as real life showed later, sometimes their choice had been driven by opportunistic considerations. On the other hand, some leaders, not necessarily Marxists, like Kwame Nkrumah, Sekou Touré, Julius Nyerere, Agostinho Neto were original philosophers and profound thinkers, whose personal principles and understanding of Good and Evil brought them to the rejection of capitalism in the forms they knew and turned them to this or that form of Socialist vision of the future for their countries. No matter how the Soviet past is assessed today, they found in the USSR a reliable partner, friend and ally, ready to help them solve the problems facing their countries. This assertion should be considered in the context of the situation that existed in 1960s and 1970s, but not now. Many western democracies, which today are keen on protecting human right anywhere in the world, at that time fiercely opposed the prospects of ending the colonial rule of European masters. For years, 135
and even decades they waged bloody wars, accompanied with atrocities against the peaceful African population, they created concentration camps for local, who, in their view, might provide assistance to freedom fighters. They would wage diplomatic wars in the United Nations and military interventions in the liberated zones. They kidnapped, imprisoned, tortured and murdered leaders of national liberation. In 1950s and early 1960s the Soviet Union was nearly the only internationally recognized force that confronted such policies and deeds of the European colonial powers: on the diplomatic level, by providing various kinds of assistance and offering shelter and support. Not surprisingly many African countries regarded the USSR as their tried-and-true friend. It is important to stress that despite continued accusations of attempts of exporting socialism to Africa, when building relations with those states the Soviet Union, constantly emphasized that the efforts of Africans were the principal means of solving their fundamental economic, social and cultural problems and that foreign aid was an auxiliary means. Quite often Soviet counterparts had to restrain some African leaders in their willingness to transpose the Soviet experience on the African soil without due attention to specific conditions and realities of African economies, culture and traditions. One of the positive aspects about the organization of the USSR relations with African countries was the existence of a well defined and widely declared set of principles on which such relations were to be developed. The basic principles of the USSR's economic and technical cooperation with African countries included the equality of partners, mutual benefit, respect for sovereignty and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Though usually described as based on common ideological foundation that cooperation had in reality little political or other strings attached in the strict sense of the word (i.e. those, which would have infringed upon the young states' national interests). As stated above, the Soviet Union on the whole maintained economic 136
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This theoretic <strong>and</strong> scientific aura helped to present economic<br />
links with <strong>Africa</strong> not just as a utilization <strong>of</strong> economic opportunities<br />
but rather as a fulfillment <strong>of</strong> ideological obligations <strong>and</strong> duties by<br />
the allegedly more developed <strong>and</strong> mature working class <strong>of</strong> the Soviet<br />
Union to peoples that only embarked on the way <strong>of</strong> the struggle<br />
for progress <strong>and</strong> freedom.<br />
The independent <strong>Africa</strong>n states were trying to accomplish the<br />
tasks facing them, first <strong>of</strong> all by creating multi-sectoral national<br />
economies <strong>and</strong> restructuring them. However, they came up against<br />
enormous difficulties on this course. Though the fact is rarely mentioned<br />
these days, but under the conditions <strong>of</strong> the Cold War, governments<br />
<strong>of</strong> young <strong>Africa</strong>n states faced much opposition from internal<br />
pro-Western forces, former colonial powers <strong>and</strong> transnational<br />
corporations.<br />
In those circumstances, many countries applied for assistance to<br />
the Soviet Union. A distinct group <strong>of</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>n states emerged, that<br />
identified their strategic developmental goals with the experience <strong>of</strong><br />
the Soviet Union <strong>and</strong> other socialist countries. Sometimes the leadership<br />
<strong>of</strong> those <strong>Africa</strong>n nations had also shared the Marxist ideological<br />
platform, though, as real life showed later, sometimes their<br />
choice had been driven by opportunistic considerations.<br />
On the other h<strong>and</strong>, some leaders, not necessarily Marxists,<br />
like Kwame Nkrumah, Sekou Touré, Julius Nyerere, Agostinho<br />
Neto were original philosophers <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ound thinkers, whose<br />
personal principles <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> Good <strong>and</strong> Evil brought<br />
them to the rejection <strong>of</strong> capitalism in the forms they knew <strong>and</strong><br />
turned them to this or that form <strong>of</strong> Socialist vision <strong>of</strong> the future<br />
for their countries.<br />
No matter how the Soviet past is assessed today, they found in<br />
the USSR a reliable partner, friend <strong>and</strong> ally, ready to help them<br />
solve the problems facing their countries. This assertion should be<br />
considered in the context <strong>of</strong> the situation that existed in 1960s <strong>and</strong><br />
1970s, but not now.<br />
Many western democracies, which today are keen on protecting<br />
human right anywhere in the world, at that time fiercely opposed the<br />
prospects <strong>of</strong> ending the colonial rule <strong>of</strong> European masters. For years,<br />
135