Orientalism - autonomous learning

Orientalism - autonomous learning Orientalism - autonomous learning

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122 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structures and Restructures 123 the careers of Silvestre de Sacy and Ernest Renan, no such danger was apparent. My thesis is that the essential aspects of modern Orientalist theory and praxis (from which present-day Orientalism derives) can be understood, not as a sudden access of objective knowledge about the Orient, but as a set of structures inherited from the past, secularized, redisposed, and re-formed. by such disciplines as philology, which in turn were naturalized, modernized, and laicized substitutes for (or versions of) Christian supernaturalism. In the form of new texts and ideas, the East was accommodated to these structures. Linguists and explorers like Jones and Anquetil were contributors to modern Orientalism, certainly, but what distinguishes modem Orientalism as a field, a group of ideas, a discourse, is the work of a later generation than theirs. Ifwe use the Napoleonic expedition (1798-1801) as a sort of first enabling experience for modem Orientalism, we can consider its inaugural heroes-'-in Islamic studies, Sacy and Renan and Lane-to be builders of the field, creators of a tradition, progenitors of the Orientalist brotherhood. What Sacy, Renan, and Lane did was to place Orientalism on a scientific and rational basis. This entailed not only their own exemplary work but also the creation of a vocabulary and ideas that could be used impersonally by anyone who wished to become an Orientalist. Their inauguration of Orientalism was a considerable feat. It made possible a scientific terminology; it banished obscurity and instated a special form of illumination for the Orient; it established the figure of the Orientalist as central authority for the Orient; it legitimized a special kind of specifically coherent Orienta list work; it put into cultural circulation a form of discursive currency by whose presence the Orient henceforth would be spoken for; above all, the work of the inaugurators carved out a field of study and' a family of ideas which in tum could form a community of scholars whose lineage, traditions, and ambitions were at once internal to the field and external enough for general prestige. The more Europe encroached upon the Orient during the nineteenth century, the more Orientalism gained in public confidence. Yet if this gain coincided with a loss in originality, we should not be entirely surprised, since its mode, from the beginning, was reconstruction and repetition. One final observation: The late-eighteenth-century and nineteenth-century ideas, institutions, and figures I shall deal with in this chapter are an important part, a crucial elaboration, of the first phase of the greatest age of territorial acquisition ever known. By the end of World War I Europe had colonized 85 percent of the earth. To say simply that modern Orientalism has been an aspect of both imperialism and colonialism is not to say anything very disputable. Yet it is not enough to say it; it needs to be worked through analytically and historically. I am interested in showing how modern Orientalism, unlike the precolonial awareness of Dante and d'Herbelot, embodies a systematic discipline of accumulation. And far from this being exclusively an intellectual or theoretical feature, it made Oriental ism fatally tend towards the systematic accumulation of human beings and territories. To reconstruct a dead or lost Oriental language meant ultimately to reconstruct a dead or neglected Orient; it also meant that reconstructive precision, science, even imagination could prepare the way for what armies, administrations, and bureaucracies would later do on the ground, in the Orient. In a sense, the vindication of Orientalism was not only its intellectual or artistic successes but its later effectiveness, its usefulness, its authority. Surely it deserves serious attention on all those counts. II Silvestre de Sacy and Ernest Renan: Rational Anthropology and Philological Laboratory The two great themes of Silvestre de Sacy's life are heroic effort and a dedicated sense of pedagogic and rational utility. Born in 1757 into a Jansenist family whose occupation was traditionally that of notaire, Antoine-Isaac-Silvestre was privately tutored at a Benedictine abbey, first in Arabic, Syriac, and Chaldean, then in Hebrew. Arabic in particular was the language that opened the Orient to him since it was in Arabic, according to Joseph Reinaud. '.1

124 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structures and Restructures 125 that Oriental material, both sacred and profane, was then to be found in its oldest and most instructive form.ll Although a legitimist, in 1769 he was appointed the first teacher of Arabic at the newly created school of langues orientales vivantes, of which he became director in 1824. In 1806 he was named professor at the College de France, although from 1805 on he was the resident Orientalist at the French Foreign Ministry. There his work (unpaid until 1811) at first was to translate the bulletins of the Grande Armee and Napoleon's Manifesto of 1806, in which it was hoped that "Muslim fanaticism" could be excited against Russian Orthodoxy. But for many years thereafter Sacy created interpreters for the French Oriental dragomanate, as well as future scholars. When the French occupied Algiers in 1830, it was Sacy who translated the proclamation to the Algerians; he was regularly consulted on all diplomatic matters relating to the Orient by the foreign minister, and on occasion by the minister of war. At the age of seventy-five he replaced Dacier as secretary of· the Academie des Inscriptions, and also became curator of Oriental manuscripts at the Bibliotbeque royale. Throughout his long and distinguished career his name was rightly associated with the restructuring and re-forming of education (particularly in Oriental studies) in post-Revolutionary France. 12 With Cuvier, Sacy in 1832 was made a new peer of France. It was not only because he was the first president of the Societe asiatique (founded in 1822) that Sacy's name is associated with the beginning of modem Orientalism; it is because his work virtually put before the profession an entire systematic body of texts, a pedagogic practice, a scholarly tradition, and an important link between Oriental scholarship and public policy. In Sacy's work, for the first time in Europe since the Council of Vienne, there was a self-conscious methodological principle at work as a coeval with scholarly discipline. No less important, Sacy always felt himself to be a man standing at the beginning of an important revisionist project. He was a self-aware inaugurator, and more to the point of our general thesis, he acted in his writing like a secularized ecclesiastic for whom his Orient and his students were doctrine and parishioners respectively. The Duc de Broglie, an admiring contemporary, said of Sacy's work that it reconciled the manner of a scientist with that of a Biblical teacher, and that Sacy was the one man able to reconcile "the goals of Leibniz with the efforts of Bossuet."13 Consequently everything he wrote was addressed specifically to students (in the case of his first work, his Principes de grammaire generale of 1799, the student was his own son) and presented, not as a novelty, but as a revised extract of the best that had already been done, said, or written. These two characteristics-the didactic presentation to students and the avowed intention of repeating by revision and extract-are crucial. Sacy's writing always cOnveys the tone of a voice speaking; his prose is dotted with first-person pronouns, with personal qualifications, with rhetorical presence. Even at his most recondite-as in a scholarly note on third-century Sassanid numismatics-one senses not so much a pen writing as a voice pronouncing. The keynote of his work is contained in the opening lines of the dedication to his son of the Principes de grammaire generale: "C'est a toi, mon cher Fils, que ce petit ouvrage a ete entrepris"-whichis to say, I am writing (or speaking) to you because you need to know these things, and since they don't exist in any serviceable form, I have done the work myself for you. Direct address: utility: effort: immediate and beneficent rationality. For Sacy believed that everything could be made clear and reasonable, no matter how difficult the task and how obscure the subject. Here are Bossuet's sternness and Leibniz's abstract humanism, as well as the tone of Rousseau, all together in the same style. . The effect of Sacy's tone is to form a circle sealing off him and his audience from the world at large, the way a teacher and his pupils together in a closed classroom also form a sealed space. Unlike the matter of physics, philosophy, or classical literature, the matter of Oriental studies is arcane; it is of import to people who already have an interest in the Orient but want to know the Orient better, in a more orderly way, and here the pedagogical discipline is more effective than it is attractive. The didactic speaker, therefore, displays his material to the disciples, whose role it is to receive what is given to them in the form of carefully selected and arranged topics. Since the Orient is old and distant, the teacher's display is a restoration, a re-vision of what has disappeared from the wider ken. And since also the vastly rich (in space, time, and cultures) Orient cannot be totally exposed, only its most representative parts need be. Thus Sacy's focus is the anthology, the chrestomathy, the tableau, the survey of general principles, in which a relatively small set of powerful examples delivers the Orient to the student. Such examples are powerful for two reasons: one, because they reflect Sacy's powers as a Western authority deliberately taking

124 ORIENTALISM<br />

Orientalist Structures and Restructures<br />

125<br />

that Oriental material, both sacred and profane, was then to be<br />

found in its oldest and most instructive form.ll Although a legitimist,<br />

in 1769 he was appointed the first teacher of Arabic at the<br />

newly created school of langues orientales vivantes, of which he<br />

became director in 1824. In 1806 he was named professor at the<br />

College de France, although from 1805 on he was the resident<br />

Orientalist at the French Foreign Ministry. There his work (unpaid<br />

until 1811) at first was to translate the bulletins of the Grande<br />

Armee and Napoleon's Manifesto of 1806, in which it was hoped<br />

that "Muslim fanaticism" could be excited against Russian Orthodoxy.<br />

But for many years thereafter Sacy created interpreters for<br />

the French Oriental dragomanate, as well as future scholars. When<br />

the French occupied Algiers in 1830, it was Sacy who translated<br />

the proclamation to the Algerians; he was regularly consulted on<br />

all diplomatic matters relating to the Orient by the foreign minister,<br />

and on occasion by the minister of war. At the age of seventy-five<br />

he replaced Dacier as secretary of· the Academie des Inscriptions,<br />

and also became curator of Oriental manuscripts at the Bibliotbeque<br />

royale. Throughout his long and distinguished career his name was<br />

rightly associated with the restructuring and re-forming of education<br />

(particularly in Oriental studies) in post-Revolutionary<br />

France. 12 With Cuvier, Sacy in 1832 was made a new peer of<br />

France.<br />

It was not only because he was the first president of the Societe<br />

asiatique (founded in 1822) that Sacy's name is associated with<br />

the beginning of modem <strong>Orientalism</strong>; it is because his work virtually<br />

put before the profession an entire systematic body of texts, a<br />

pedagogic practice, a scholarly tradition, and an important link<br />

between Oriental scholarship and public policy. In Sacy's work,<br />

for the first time in Europe since the Council of Vienne, there was<br />

a self-conscious methodological principle at work as a coeval with<br />

scholarly discipline. No less important, Sacy always felt himself<br />

to be a man standing at the beginning of an important revisionist<br />

project. He was a self-aware inaugurator, and more to the point<br />

of our general thesis, he acted in his writing like a secularized<br />

ecclesiastic for whom his Orient and his students were doctrine and<br />

parishioners respectively. The Duc de Broglie, an admiring contemporary,<br />

said of Sacy's work that it reconciled the manner of a<br />

scientist with that of a Biblical teacher, and that Sacy was the one<br />

man able to reconcile "the goals of Leibniz with the efforts of<br />

Bossuet."13 Consequently everything he wrote was addressed<br />

specifically to students (in the case of his first work, his Principes<br />

de grammaire generale of 1799, the student was his own son) and<br />

presented, not as a novelty, but as a revised extract of the best that<br />

had already been done, said, or written.<br />

These two characteristics-the didactic presentation to students<br />

and the avowed intention of repeating by revision and extract-are<br />

crucial. Sacy's writing always cOnveys the tone of a voice speaking;<br />

his prose is dotted with first-person pronouns, with personal qualifications,<br />

with rhetorical presence. Even at his most recondite-as in<br />

a scholarly note on third-century Sassanid numismatics-one senses<br />

not so much a pen writing as a voice pronouncing. The keynote of<br />

his work is contained in the opening lines of the dedication to his<br />

son of the Principes de grammaire generale: "C'est a toi, mon cher<br />

Fils, que ce petit ouvrage a ete entrepris"-whichis to say, I am<br />

writing (or speaking) to you because you need to know these things,<br />

and since they don't exist in any serviceable form, I have done the<br />

work myself for you. Direct address: utility: effort: immediate and<br />

beneficent rationality. For Sacy believed that everything could be<br />

made clear and reasonable, no matter how difficult the task and how<br />

obscure the subject. Here are Bossuet's sternness and Leibniz's<br />

abstract humanism, as well as the tone of Rousseau, all together in<br />

the same style. .<br />

The effect of Sacy's tone is to form a circle sealing off him and<br />

his audience from the world at large, the way a teacher and his<br />

pupils together in a closed classroom also form a sealed space.<br />

Unlike the matter of physics, philosophy, or classical literature,<br />

the matter of Oriental studies is arcane; it is of import to people<br />

who already have an interest in the Orient but want to know the<br />

Orient better, in a more orderly way, and here the pedagogical<br />

discipline is more effective than it is attractive. The didactic speaker,<br />

therefore, displays his material to the disciples, whose role it is to<br />

receive what is given to them in the form of carefully selected and<br />

arranged topics. Since the Orient is old and distant, the teacher's<br />

display is a restoration, a re-vision of what has disappeared from<br />

the wider ken. And since also the vastly rich (in space, time, and<br />

cultures) Orient cannot be totally exposed, only its most representative<br />

parts need be. Thus Sacy's focus is the anthology, the chrestomathy,<br />

the tableau, the survey of general principles, in which a<br />

relatively small set of powerful examples delivers the Orient to the<br />

student. Such examples are powerful for two reasons: one, because<br />

they reflect Sacy's powers as a Western authority deliberately taking

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