Orientalism - autonomous learning
Orientalism - autonomous learning Orientalism - autonomous learning
_~c,~~_._~.~ '\ " -n ,1 J 258 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 259 Therefore, in the best Orientalist work done during the interwar period-represented in the impressive careers of· Massignon and Gibb himself-we will find elements in common with the best humanistic scholarship of the period. Thus the summational attiR tude of which I spoke earlier can be regarded as the Orientalist equivalent of attempts in the purely Western humanities to understand culture as a whole, antipositivistically, intuitively, sympathetically. Both the Orientalist and the non-Orientalist begin with the sense that Western culture is passing through an important phase, whose main feature is the crisis imposed on it by such threats as barbarism, narrow technical concerns, moral aridity, strident nationalism, and so forth. The idea of using specific texts, for instance, to work from the specific to the general (to understand the whole life of a period and consequently of a culture) is common to those humanists in the West inspired by the work of Wilhelm Dilthey, as well as to towering Orientalist scholars like Massignon and Gibb. The project of revitalizing philology-as it is found in the work of Curtius, Vossler, Auerbach, Spitzer, Gundolf, Hofmannsthal 66 -has its counterpart therefore in the inVigorations provided to strictly technical Orientalist philology by Massignon's studies of what he called the mystical lexicon, the vocabulary of Islamic devotion, and so on. But there is another, more interesting conjunction between Orientalism in this phase of its history and the European sciences of man (sciences de l'homme) , the Geisteswissenschaften contemporary with it. We must note, first, that non-Orientalist cultural studies were perforce more immediately responsive to the threats to humanistic culture of a selfRaggrandizing, amoral technical specialization represented, in part at least, by the rise of fascism in Europe. This response extended the concerns of the interwar period into the period following World War n as well. An eloquent scholarly and personal testimonial to this response can be found in Erich Auerbach's magisterial Mimesis, and in his last methodoR logical reflections as a Philolog. 67 He tells us that Mimesis was written during his exile in Turkey and was meant to be in large measure an attempt virtually to see the development of Western culture at almost the last moment when that culture still had its integrity and civilizational coherence; therefore, he set himself the task of writing a general work based on specific textual analyses in such a way as to layout the principles of Western literary perR formance in all their variety, richness, and fertility. The aim was a synthesis of Western culture in which the synthesis itself was matched in importance by the very gesture of doing it, which Auerbach believed was made possible by what he called "late bourgeois humanism."68 The discrete particular was thus converted into a highly mediated symbol of the world-historical process. No less important for Auerbach-and this fact is of immediate relevance to Orientalism-was the humanistic tradition of involvement in a national culture or literature not one's own. Auerbach's example was Curtius, whose prodigious output testified to his deliberate choice as a German to dedicate himself professionally to the Romance literatures. Not for nothing, then, did Auerbach end his autumnal reflections with a significant quotation from Hugo of St. Victor's Didascalicon: "The man who finds his homeland sweet is st.ill a t~nder beginner; he to whom every soil is as his native one is already strong; but he is perfect to whom the entire world is as a foreign land."69 The more one is able to leave one's cultural home, the more easily is one able to judge it, and the whole world as well, with the spiritual detachment and generosity necessary for true vision. The more easily, too, does one assess oneself and alien cultures with the same combination of intimacy and distance. No less important and met!Jodologically formative a cultural force was the use in the social sciences of "types" both as an analytical device and as a way of seeing familiar things in a new way. The precise history of the "type" as it is to be found in earlytwentieth-century thinkers like Weber, Durkheim, Lukacs, Mannheim, and the other sociologists of knowledge has been examined often enough:70 yet it has not been remarked, I think, that Weber's studies of Protestantism, Judaism, and Buddhism blew him (perhaps unwittingly) into the very territory originally charted and claimed by the Orientalists. There he found encouragement amongst all those nineteenth-century thinkers who believed that there was a sort of ontological difference between Eastern and Western economic (as well as religious) "mentalities." Although he never thoroughly studied Islam, Weber nevertheless influenced the field considerably, mainly because his notions of type were simply an "outside" confirmation of many of the canonical theses held by Orientalists, whose economic ideas never extended beyond asserting the Oriental's fundamental incapacity for trade, commerce, and economic rationality. In the Islamic field those cliches held good for literally hundreds of years-until Maxime Rodinson's important study Islam and Capitalism appeared in 1966. Still, the notion of a type-
260 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 261 Oriental, Islamic, Arab, or whatever-endures and is nourished by similar kinds of abstractions or paradigms or types as they emerge out of the modern social sciences. I have often spoken in this book of the sense of estrangement experienced by Orientalists as they dealt with or lived in a culture so profoundly different from their own. Now one of the striking differences between Orientalism in its Islamic version and all the other humanistic disciplines where Auerbach's notions on the necessity of estrangement have some validity is that Islamic Orientalists never saw their estrangement from Islam either as salutary or as an attitude with implications for the better understanding of their own culture. Rather, their estrangement from Islam simply intensified their feelings of superiority about European culture, even as their antipathy spread to include the entire Orient, of which Islam was considered a degraded (and usually, a virulently dangerous) representative. Such tendencies-it has also been my argument-became built into the very traditions of Orientalist study throughout the nineteenth century, and in time became a standard component of most Orientalist training, handed on from generation to generation. In addition, I think, the likelihood was very great that European scholars would continue to see the Near Orient through the perspective of its Biblical "origins," that is, as a place of unshakably influential religious primacy. Given its special relationship to both Christianity and Judaism, Islam remained forever the Orientalist's idea (or type) of original cultural effrontery, aggravated naturally by the fear that Islamic civilization originally (as well as contemporaneously) continued to stand somehow opposed to the Christian West. For these reasons, Islamic Orientalism between the wars shared in the general sense of cultural crisis adumbrated by Auerbach and the others I have spoken of briefly, without at the same time developing in the same way as the other human sciences. Because Islamic Orientalism also preserved within it the peculiarly polemical religious attitude it had had from the beginning, it remained fixed in certain methodological tracks, so to speak. Its cultural alienation, for one, needed to be preserved from modern history and sociopolitical circumstance, as well as from the necessary revisions imposed on any theoretical or historical "type" by new data. For another, the abstractions offered by Orientalism (or rather, the opportunity for making abstractions) in the case of Islamic Givilization were considered to have acquired a new validity; since it was assumed that Islam worked the way Orientalists said it did (without reference to actuality, but only to a set of "classical" principles). it was also assumed that modern Islam would be nothing more than a reasserted version of the old, especially since it was also supposed that modernity for Islam was less of a challenge than an insult. (The very large number of assumptions and suppositions in this description, incidentally, are intended to portray the rather eccentric twists and turns necessary for Orientalism to have maintained its peculiar way of seeing human reality.) Finally. if the synthesizing ambition in philology (as conceived by Auerbach or Curtius) was to lead to an enlargement of the scholar's awareness, of his sense of the brotherhood of man, of the universality of certain principles of human behavior, in Islamic Orientalism synthesis led to a sharpened sense of difference between Orient and Occident as reflected in Islam. What I am describing, then, is something that will characterize Islamic Orientalism until the present day: its retrogressive position when compared with the other human sciences (and even with the other branches of Orientalism), its general methodological and ideological backwardness, and its comparative insularity from developments both in the other humanities and in the real world of historical, economic, social; and political circumstances. 7l Some awareness of this lag in Islamic (or Semitic) Orientalism was already present towards the end of the nineteenth century, perhaps because it was beginning to be' apparent to some observers how very little either Semitic or Islamic Orientalism had shaken itself loose from the religious background from which it originally derived. The first Orientalist congress was organized and held in Paris in 1873, and almost from the outset it was evident to other scholars that the Semiticists and Islamicists were in intellectual arrears, generally speaking. Writing a survey of all the congresses that had been held between 1873 and 1897, the English scholar R. N. Cust had this to say about the Semitic-Islamic subfield: Such meetings [as those held in the ancient-Semitic field], indeed, advance Oriental learning. The same cannot be said with regard to the modem-Semitic section; it was crowded, but the subjects discussed were of the smallest literary interest, such as would occupy the minds of the dilettanti scholars of the old school, not the great class of "indicatores" of the nineteenth century. I am forced to go back to Pliny to find a word. There was an absence from this section both
- Page 85 and 86: 156 ORIENTALlSM Orientalist Structu
- Page 87 and 88: 160 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 89 and 90: 164 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 91 and 92: 168 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 93 and 94: 172 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 95 and 96: 176 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 97 and 98: 180 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 99 and 100: 184 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 101 and 102: 188 ORIENTALISM OrientaUst Structur
- Page 103 and 104: 192 ORIENTALISM Orientalist Structu
- Page 105 and 106: ._--- 196 ORIENTALISM Orientalist
- Page 107 and 108: ~,~~-~. I Latent and Manifest Ori
- Page 109 and 110: 204 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 205
- Page 111 and 112: 208 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 209
- Page 113 and 114: 212 ORIENTALISM man is plodding, in
- Page 115 and 116: 216 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 217
- Page 117 and 118: 220 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 221
- Page 119 and 120: 224 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 225
- Page 121 and 122: 228 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 22
- Page 123 and 124: 232 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 23
- Page 125 and 126: 236 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 237
- Page 127 and 128: 240 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 241
- Page 129 and 130: 244 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 24
- Page 131 and 132: 248 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 24
- Page 133 and 134: 252 ORIENTALISM Orienlalism Now 253
- Page 135: 256 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 25
- Page 139 and 140: 264 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 26
- Page 141 and 142: ttbb' < t ,'W"':!t "me Y"Nt "hit" 1
- Page 143 and 144: 272 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 273
- Page 145 and 146: 276 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 27
- Page 147 and 148: 280 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 281
- Page 149 and 150: 284 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 285
- Page 151 and 152: 288 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 289
- Page 153 and 154: 292 ORIENT ALISM Orientalism Now 29
- Page 155 and 156: 296 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 297
- Page 157 and 158: ,.;jtfnh:il!t"~'f7':tUlll¥tttefft:
- Page 159 and 160: 304 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 305
- Page 161 and 162: 308 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 309
- Page 163 and 164: 312 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 313
- Page 165 and 166: 316 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 317
- Page 167 and 168: 320 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 321
- Page 169 and 170: 324 ORIENTALISM Orientalism Now 325
- Page 171 and 172: 328 QRIENTALISM human history and e
- Page 173 and 174: 332 ORIENTALISM ego. The constructi
- Page 175 and 176: 336 ORIENTALISM of fixed identities
- Page 177 and 178: 340 ORIENTALISM and Burton their su
- Page 179 and 180: 344 ORIENTALISM relationships and b
- Page 181 and 182: 348 ORIENTALISM the most basic cond
- Page 183 and 184: 352 ORIENTALISM passage. And in re-
- Page 185 and 186: 356 Notes 29. Southern, Western Vie
_~c,~~_._~.~ '\ " -n ,1 J<br />
258 ORIENTALISM<br />
<strong>Orientalism</strong> Now<br />
259<br />
Therefore, in the best Orientalist work done during the interwar<br />
period-represented in the impressive careers of· Massignon and<br />
Gibb himself-we will find elements in common with the best<br />
humanistic scholarship of the period. Thus the summational attiR<br />
tude of which I spoke earlier can be regarded as the Orientalist<br />
equivalent of attempts in the purely Western humanities to understand<br />
culture as a whole, antipositivistically, intuitively, sympathetically.<br />
Both the Orientalist and the non-Orientalist begin with<br />
the sense that Western culture is passing through an important<br />
phase, whose main feature is the crisis imposed on it by such threats<br />
as barbarism, narrow technical concerns, moral aridity, strident<br />
nationalism, and so forth. The idea of using specific texts, for instance,<br />
to work from the specific to the general (to understand<br />
the whole life of a period and consequently of a culture) is common<br />
to those humanists in the West inspired by the work of Wilhelm<br />
Dilthey, as well as to towering Orientalist scholars like Massignon<br />
and Gibb. The project of revitalizing philology-as it is found in<br />
the work of Curtius, Vossler, Auerbach, Spitzer, Gundolf, Hofmannsthal<br />
66 -has its counterpart therefore in the inVigorations provided<br />
to strictly technical Orientalist philology by Massignon's<br />
studies of what he called the mystical lexicon, the vocabulary of<br />
Islamic devotion, and so on.<br />
But there is another, more interesting conjunction between<br />
<strong>Orientalism</strong> in this phase of its history and the European sciences<br />
of man (sciences de l'homme) , the Geisteswissenschaften contemporary<br />
with it. We must note, first, that non-Orientalist cultural<br />
studies were perforce more immediately responsive to the threats<br />
to humanistic culture of a selfRaggrandizing, amoral technical<br />
specialization represented, in part at least, by the rise of fascism in<br />
Europe. This response extended the concerns of the interwar<br />
period into the period following World War n as well. An eloquent<br />
scholarly and personal testimonial to this response can be found<br />
in Erich Auerbach's magisterial Mimesis, and in his last methodoR<br />
logical reflections as a Philolog. 67 He tells us that Mimesis was<br />
written during his exile in Turkey and was meant to be in large<br />
measure an attempt virtually to see the development of Western<br />
culture at almost the last moment when that culture still had its<br />
integrity and civilizational coherence; therefore, he set himself<br />
the task of writing a general work based on specific textual analyses<br />
in such a way as to layout the principles of Western literary perR<br />
formance in all their variety, richness, and fertility. The aim was a<br />
synthesis of Western culture in which the synthesis itself was<br />
matched in importance by the very gesture of doing it, which<br />
Auerbach believed was made possible by what he called "late<br />
bourgeois humanism."68 The discrete particular was thus converted<br />
into a highly mediated symbol of the world-historical process.<br />
No less important for Auerbach-and this fact is of immediate<br />
relevance to <strong>Orientalism</strong>-was the humanistic tradition of involvement<br />
in a national culture or literature not one's own. Auerbach's<br />
example was Curtius, whose prodigious output testified to his<br />
deliberate choice as a German to dedicate himself professionally to<br />
the Romance literatures. Not for nothing, then, did Auerbach end<br />
his autumnal reflections with a significant quotation from Hugo of<br />
St. Victor's Didascalicon: "The man who finds his homeland sweet<br />
is st.ill a t~nder beginner; he to whom every soil is as his native one<br />
is already strong; but he is perfect to whom the entire world is as<br />
a foreign land."69 The more one is able to leave one's cultural home,<br />
the more easily is one able to judge it, and the whole world as well,<br />
with the spiritual detachment and generosity necessary for true<br />
vision. The more easily, too, does one assess oneself and alien<br />
cultures with the same combination of intimacy and distance.<br />
No less important and met!Jodologically formative a cultural<br />
force was the use in the social sciences of "types" both as an<br />
analytical device and as a way of seeing familiar things in a new<br />
way. The precise history of the "type" as it is to be found in earlytwentieth-century<br />
thinkers like Weber, Durkheim, Lukacs, Mannheim,<br />
and the other sociologists of knowledge has been examined<br />
often enough:70 yet it has not been remarked, I think, that Weber's<br />
studies of Protestantism, Judaism, and Buddhism blew him (perhaps<br />
unwittingly) into the very territory originally charted and claimed<br />
by the Orientalists. There he found encouragement amongst all<br />
those nineteenth-century thinkers who believed that there was a<br />
sort of ontological difference between Eastern and Western economic<br />
(as well as religious) "mentalities." Although he never thoroughly<br />
studied Islam, Weber nevertheless influenced the field considerably,<br />
mainly because his notions of type were simply an "outside" confirmation<br />
of many of the canonical theses held by Orientalists, whose<br />
economic ideas never extended beyond asserting the Oriental's<br />
fundamental incapacity for trade, commerce, and economic rationality.<br />
In the Islamic field those cliches held good for literally<br />
hundreds of years-until Maxime Rodinson's important study Islam<br />
and Capitalism appeared in 1966. Still, the notion of a type-