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SUFFiciENcy EcONOMy ANd GRASSROOtS DEvElOPMENt

SUFFiciENcy EcONOMy ANd GRASSROOtS DEvElOPMENt

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The Meaning of Sufficiency Economy <br />

International Conference<br />

227<br />

In order to have such lives, villagers also recognize that they are dependent on<br />

the government for certain essential services. Without government investment<br />

villagers would not be able to travel easily on good roads or have electricity. They<br />

look to the government to support medical facilities. They also look to government<br />

to provide increasingly better education which they understand is fundamental to<br />

finding better jobs outside the agricultural sector.<br />

Villagers in Ban Nông Tün in recent elections, like villagers throughout most<br />

of the Northeast, were strongly supportive of the Thai Rak Thai Party because they<br />

received increased support in government services during the period when the<br />

government was controlled by Thai Rak Thai. This support included the expanded<br />

health care program through the 30-baht scheme and subsidies for students pursuing<br />

education in better schools outside their local community. Several villagers in Ban <br />

Nông Tün have created what is essentially an ambulance service to take sick vill<br />

agers to the hospital in Mahasarakham and all villagers avail themselves on a regular<br />

basis of services provided by the government at the Mahasarakham hospital and the<br />

tambon clinic in nearby Ban Khwao. More students from Ban Nông Tün today go <br />

to schools in Mahasarakham town than go to the local village school. <br />

Villagers have also come to take for granted the services – such as garbage<br />

collection – provided by the Tambon Administrative Organization, a local<br />

government body which gained more powers and budget under Thai Rak Thai<br />

governments. One of the government services villagers came most to appreciate<br />

during the Thai Rak Thai period was the expanded loan program. The village million<br />

baht fund made it possible for many villagers to gain access to capital needed for<br />

investing in traveling abroad for work or for local enterprises. Villagers are<br />

concerned about the increasing debt they have, but so long as interest rates are low<br />

and they are able to make sufficient money to pay back what they borrow, they see<br />

loans in positive terms.<br />

In short, while much of the economic development experienced by people<br />

from the village over the past forty years has come about as a consequence of their<br />

own imitative, they have also come to depend on essential government services to<br />

make it possible for them to emulate the lifestyles of urban middle class people.<br />

Most do not, however, seek to do so by moving from the village permanently to live<br />

in urban areas. The reason lies in the fact that the village is not only a place of<br />

residence; it is also a moral world.<br />

On the basis of research over forty years in the same village in northeastern<br />

Thailand, I have found that villagers have unequivocally chosen three courses of<br />

action which Yoshihara Kunio (1995), in a comparison of the Thai and Korean<br />

economies, argued are basic to significant economic growth, that is, to capitalistic<br />

development. Villagers have chosen to work long hours both in the village and for<br />

long periods of time away from the village. They have shown themselves very<br />

willing to take significant risks, especially in choosing to migrate for work not only<br />

to other places in Thailand, but also abroad, especially to Taiwan. They have also

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