Pitfalls and Pipelines - Philippine Indigenous Peoples Links
Pitfalls and Pipelines - Philippine Indigenous Peoples Links Pitfalls and Pipelines - Philippine Indigenous Peoples Links
148 Pitfalls and Pipelines: Indigenous Peoples and Extractive Industries Australia—After the Mabo Decision By Brian Wyatt, National Native Title Council You have turned our land into a desolate place. We stumble along with a half white mind. Where are we? What are we? Not a recognised race. There is a desert ahead and a desert behind. … The tribes are all gone, The spears are all broken; Once we had bread here You gave us stone (p.109) - Jack Davis, 1992 The Dreamers 32 The High Court’s decision in the Mabo case…has determined that Australian law should not…be ‘frozen in an era of racial discrimination.’ Its decision in the Mabo case ended the pernicious legal deceit of terra nullius for all of Australia—and for all time. The court described the situation faced by Aboriginal people after European settlement. The court saw a ‘conflagration of oppression and conflict, which was, over the following century, to spread across the continent to dispossess, degrade and devastate the Aboriginal people.’ They faced ‘deprivation of the religious, cultural and economic sustenance which the land provides’ and were left as ‘intruders in their own homes.’ - Paul Keating, Australian Prime Minister (1991 to 1996) 33 Australia’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have been fighting for land justice in Australia since colonization. Our nation’s narrative has been full of twists and turns that includes many dark and shameful chapters, not the least of which being the systematic dispossession of Aboriginal people from their land. It is only in the last two decades, since the Mabo High Court decision, that Australia has really begun to address this travesty, but many of the positive changes, through legislation as well as national debate, have been marred by undue government tinkering and
Chapter 2.2: Challenges at the National Policy Level 149 interference. Aboriginal Australians are over-governed by a bureaucracy that is unable or unwilling to allow Aboriginal people to make their own decisions or have control over their own corporations, thereby denying them their right to plan properly and invest in the future for themselves, their families and their communities. At the same time, governments continue to doggedly contest traditional owners’ connection to country to settle native title claims, denying them crucial links to their past, their culture and their identity. Paternalism remains alive and well in Australian Indigenous Affairs and it continues to be a source of anger and frustration for many Aboriginal people. Although Australia’s stolen generations eventually received an apology from Prime Minister Rudd, traditional owners continue to seek justice through recognition of their rights to traditional lands. If we pursue the analogy with Prime Minister Rudd’s apology, we should be asking ourselves how the native title system can say sorry to those people who are deemed by the courts to have lost connection to their traditional lands and resources. What we would need is an apology for the Social Darwinism that lives on in our native title jurisprudence. This is a fundamental issue for the resolution of native title claims and it was put very well by Prime Minister Keating in his Redfern speech of 1992. According to Keating, the issue turns on recognition—recognition of who did the dispossessing, who took the traditional land, and who broke the continuities of law and custom. 34 Back in 1992, we heard that the Mabo ruling marked an historic turning point that would become the basis of a new relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous Australians. Yes it was an historic turning point, and although we’ve taken a few positive steps since then, opportunities to acknowledge the positive aspects of native title—such as reconciliation and economic opportunity—are still being lost. Everyone is repeating the mantra of “negotiation not litigation,” yet there are a large number of native title claims being choked by litigation. Mabo In 1992, the Mabo decision 35 determined that indigenous peoples had their own system of law and ownership before European settlement, ultimately recognizing that indigenous communities have native title over their traditional lands. Since then many Federal Court decisions have impacted
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Chapter 2.2: Challenges at the National Policy Level<br />
149<br />
interference.<br />
Aboriginal Australians are over-governed by a bureaucracy that is unable<br />
or unwilling to allow Aboriginal people to make their own decisions or have<br />
control over their own corporations, thereby denying them their right to<br />
plan properly <strong>and</strong> invest in the future for themselves, their families <strong>and</strong><br />
their communities. At the same time, governments continue to doggedly<br />
contest traditional owners’ connection to country to settle native title<br />
claims, denying them crucial links to their past, their culture <strong>and</strong> their<br />
identity. Paternalism remains alive <strong>and</strong> well in Australian <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />
Affairs <strong>and</strong> it continues to be a source of anger <strong>and</strong> frustration for many<br />
Aboriginal people.<br />
Although Australia’s stolen generations eventually received an apology<br />
from Prime Minister Rudd, traditional owners continue to seek justice<br />
through recognition of their rights to traditional l<strong>and</strong>s.<br />
If we pursue the analogy with Prime Minister Rudd’s apology, we should<br />
be asking ourselves how the native title system can say sorry to those<br />
people who are deemed by the courts to have lost connection to their<br />
traditional l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> resources. What we would need is an apology for<br />
the Social Darwinism that lives on in our native title jurisprudence. This<br />
is a fundamental issue for the resolution of native title claims <strong>and</strong> it was<br />
put very well by Prime Minister Keating in his Redfern speech of 1992.<br />
According to Keating, the issue turns on recognition—recognition of who<br />
did the dispossessing, who took the traditional l<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> who broke the<br />
continuities of law <strong>and</strong> custom. 34<br />
Back in 1992, we heard that the Mabo ruling marked an historic turning<br />
point that would become the basis of a new relationship between<br />
indigenous <strong>and</strong> non-indigenous Australians. Yes it was an historic<br />
turning point, <strong>and</strong> although we’ve taken a few positive steps since then,<br />
opportunities to acknowledge the positive aspects of native title—such as<br />
reconciliation <strong>and</strong> economic opportunity—are still being lost. Everyone is<br />
repeating the mantra of “negotiation not litigation,” yet there are a large<br />
number of native title claims being choked by litigation.<br />
Mabo<br />
In 1992, the Mabo decision 35 determined that indigenous peoples had their<br />
own system of law <strong>and</strong> ownership before European settlement, ultimately<br />
recognizing that indigenous communities have native title over their<br />
traditional l<strong>and</strong>s. Since then many Federal Court decisions have impacted