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Pitfalls and Pipelines - Philippine Indigenous Peoples Links

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136 <strong>Pitfalls</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pipelines</strong>: <strong>Indigenous</strong> <strong>Peoples</strong> <strong>and</strong> Extractive Industries<br />

with <strong>Indigenous</strong> <strong>Peoples</strong> Law in August 2011. Although it<br />

does not talk specifically of “consent,” the Law makes it m<strong>and</strong>atory<br />

to seek the opinions of affected indigenous communities.<br />

It is in effect creating binding legislation to implement<br />

Colombia’s ratification of ILO Convention 169. 7 If the law was<br />

intended to douse the conflicts over resources on indigenous<br />

l<strong>and</strong>, it has not been a runaway success. Aside from the violent<br />

protests around the Conga project (covered in Chapter 1.1),<br />

around 500 Shuar people set up a blockade in October 2011<br />

to stop Canadian mining firm Talisman Energy from exploring<br />

in their ancestral l<strong>and</strong>s in the northern Amazon over concerns<br />

of contamination. At the same time as these protests, the<br />

Peruvian state was proposing new regulations governing the<br />

extractive industries in the so-called “untouchable” reserves<br />

of indigenous peoples in isolation. This was to allow access to<br />

such reserves if there is “a real public need.” Although there<br />

are attempts at mitigating the negative effects of this, it is clear<br />

that provisions to both “protect” <strong>and</strong> “exploit” the l<strong>and</strong>s of<br />

indigenous peoples are being pursued simultaneously. 8<br />

Another Latin American example of this schizophrenic attitude<br />

is the State of Bolivia, which has a large <strong>and</strong> historically<br />

poor indigenous minority, as well as an economy focused on<br />

the extractive industries. Under the country’s first indigenous<br />

President, Evo Morales, there have been huge strides to champion<br />

the rights of indigenous peoples <strong>and</strong> the environment on<br />

the international stage, including the drafting of a Universal<br />

Declaration on the Rights of Mother Earth. Yet, given the reliance<br />

of the state on exploiting its natural resources, there have<br />

been complaints from indigenous organizations that attempts<br />

at l<strong>and</strong> titling are happening too slowly <strong>and</strong> that the government<br />

has used “dishonest <strong>and</strong> corrupt prior consultation<br />

methods” on some projects. Major concerns are being raised<br />

about oil extraction in the Isoboro Sécure National Park <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>Indigenous</strong> Territory (TIPNIS), which—thanks to concerted<br />

advocacy—has recently been declared an ecological reserve<br />

that is of “fundamental interest to the nation.” 9<br />

As the case study in this chapter shows (see box: Australia—<br />

After the Mabo Decision), in Australia there have been big<br />

advances with regard to indigenous l<strong>and</strong> rights issues after<br />

the famous Mabo court case, including the 1993 Native Title

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