Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum
Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum
Reform of EU expenditure Spending 40% of the Union budget on supporting agriculture, at a time when agricultural prices have risen sharply and profitability in agriculture has also increased, appears bizarre. It should however be remembered that the EU budget is part of total public spending in the Union and that, in some areas, member states have decided to finance their policies through the EU budget rather than national budgets. This is the case in agriculture which throughout the EU attracts only 1% or less of total public funding while absorbing between 40% of the EU budget. This is of course not a defence of the CAP. It is however an important argument. Many of the contributors to the discussion of the budget appear to want it to be a financial showpiece of a modern, future oriented and deeply integrated European Union. Yet where some policies are delegated to the Union, and others are the competence of the member states, it is obvious that the Union budget is going to be “unbalanced”, unless seen as a part of total public spending in the Union. One of the key problems with agricultural spending is that it is not progressive in the same way that cohesion spending is. It therefore exacerbates the problem of net balances, without meeting the priorities and values of the Union treaties. In spite of the serious question of food security, the subsidisation of low productivity activity in the Union does seem perverse. This situation could be changed in several ways. Subsidies, notably direct income subsidies, could simply be reduced over a number of years. On the other hand the individual member states could take over some of the financing of agricultural subsidies, although this would hold dangers for the common market in agricultural products. A considerable reduction in CAP spending is expected to allow the British government to agree to a gradual elimination of the British budget rebate, and therefore of the other distorting rebates in the budget. While almost everybody agrees that cohesion policy is a fundamental pillar of solidarity within the Union, there is much criticism of the way in which it has come to be considered rather as a permanent subsidy for regions in relatively rich member states. It will therefore be important in any major overhaul of the Union budget that the temporary nature of cohesion spending should be underlined and that complex and well endowed transitional arrangements should be kept to a minimum. 72 After the crisis: A new socio-economic settlement for the EU
As there is unlikely to be agreement to increase the size of the budget in the next financial framework, creating additional headroom for new policies and rapidly expanding policies is essential. Increased financing will almost certainly be needed in the policy areas of justice, liberty and security as well as in the common foreign and defence policies; policies providing essential European public goods. These are rapidly growing areas for which there is considerable support in the member states of the Union. However while it is easy to state the obvious, like the importance of increasing spending on research and development in the Union or additional support for European foreign policy, whether it is desirable to redirect spending in the EU budget to these issues depends partly on the efficiency and effectiveness of the instruments used to disburse the available finance. Many people believe for instance that a condition for radically increasing spending on research and development at the Union level would be changes in the institutional setup for supporting research and development. The effectiveness of financial support distributed through the Framework Programmes is considered to be rather low. This was almost certainly one of the reasons why the member states in the last financial perspective negotiation did not support the Commission’s proposal for a very large increase in R&D spending. This emphasises the need to consider the means of implementation at the same time as the budgetary allocations. The “own resources” system The own resources system has been frequently criticised because by far the larger part of these resources are contributions of the member states and not taxes which are automatically transferred to the Union budget. It is argued that if there was a type of EU tax, which automatically was collected by the Union, this would ensure that the budgetary authority would become more responsible in its expenditure decisions because these would have to be defended in elections subsequently. This is probably the least likely change to be made to the EU budget system. Politically it would be difficult to get agreement from certain member states. As the current system works quite well, it is unlikely that anyone is going to trade a system which delivers the required financing for a new system, which may well not have any of the benefits which its proponents propose. Finally, the budget rebates, which are part of the resources side of the budget, should be progressively eliminated, as measures are taken to ensure that the pain of budget contributions is more justly distributed. Chapter 4 – Alan Mayhew 73
- Page 24 and 25: signals are in place to promote a n
- Page 26 and 27: need to be constructed to create ac
- Page 28 and 29: or indeed re-impose, what they rega
- Page 30 and 31: Markets with rules The overall conc
- Page 32 and 33: 30 After the crisis: A new socio-ec
- Page 34 and 35: Target financial stability The EMU
- Page 36 and 37: Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxemb
- Page 38 and 39: mortgage banks and the insurance se
- Page 40 and 41: financial market rules. The ESFS au
- Page 42 and 43: prudential regulation - though only
- Page 44 and 45: initiatives vis-à-vis ratings agen
- Page 46 and 47: 44 After the crisis: A new socio-ec
- Page 48 and 49: Even if membership in a monetary un
- Page 50 and 51: emained relatively contained to spe
- Page 52 and 53: The second channel of functional sp
- Page 54 and 55: But even so, the depth and intensit
- Page 56 and 57: governance in the EU and the euro a
- Page 58 and 59: in the EU show, authorities at the
- Page 60 and 61: factors will remain prevalent and b
- Page 62 and 63: centralised decision-maker. Similar
- Page 64 and 65: 62 After the crisis: A new socio-ec
- Page 66 and 67: (GNI), the interests of the member
- Page 68 and 69: terms only very slowly and as a per
- Page 70 and 71: policy proposal asks itself what th
- Page 72 and 73: ensure that a ceiling is put on the
- Page 76 and 77: The medium-term financial framework
- Page 78 and 79: unanimity. The need to obtain the c
- Page 80 and 81: therefore, was weakening the Europe
- Page 82 and 83: for the signing of the strict and d
- Page 84 and 85: Since then, member states have name
- Page 86 and 87: in the world monetary system. It al
- Page 88 and 89: a Treaty that not only ignores trad
- Page 90 and 91: 88 After the crisis: A new socio-ec
- Page 92 and 93: Firstly, they should include policy
- Page 94 and 95: emanate from demographic trends. Ho
- Page 96 and 97: Furthermore, the Lisbon agenda may
- Page 98 and 99: Strengthening, if not really crafti
- Page 100 and 101: incentives in the welfare schemes a
- Page 102 and 103: security, yet at a lower cost than
- Page 104 and 105: 102 After the crisis: A new socio-e
- Page 106 and 107: asis only in the 1990s, and over th
- Page 108 and 109: in an increasingly global age the
- Page 110 and 111: So what kind of social role for the
- Page 112 and 113: effective common policies in areas
- Page 114 and 115: help by ensuring a thorough audit a
- Page 116 and 117: irrespectively of benefit and costs
- Page 118 and 119: to the European Innovation Scoreboa
- Page 120 and 121: flexible labour regulation than cou
- Page 122 and 123: to cope with change is germane to a
As there is unlikely to be agreement to increase the size of the budget in the<br />
next financial framework, creating additional headroom for new policies<br />
and rapidly expanding policies is essential. Increased financing will almost<br />
certainly be needed in the policy areas of justice, liberty and security as well<br />
as in the common foreign and defence policies; policies providing essential<br />
European public goods. <strong>The</strong>se are rapidly growing areas for which there is<br />
considerable support in the member states of the Union.<br />
However while it is easy to state the obvious, like the importance of<br />
increasing spending on research and development in the Union or additional<br />
support for European foreign policy, whether it is desirable to redirect<br />
spending in the EU budget to these issues depends partly on the efficiency<br />
and effectiveness of the instruments used to disburse the available finance.<br />
Many people believe for instance that a condition for radically increasing<br />
spending on research and development at the Union level would be changes<br />
in the institutional setup for supporting research and development. <strong>The</strong><br />
effectiveness of financial support distributed through the Framework<br />
Programmes is considered to be rather low. This was almost certainly one<br />
of the reasons why the member states in the last financial perspective<br />
negotiation did not support the Commission’s proposal for a very large<br />
increase in R&D spending. This emphasises the need to consider the means<br />
of implementation at the same time as the budgetary allocations.<br />
<strong>The</strong> “own resources” system<br />
<strong>The</strong> own resources system has been frequently criticised because by far<br />
the larger part of these resources are contributions of the member states<br />
and not taxes which are automatically transferred to the Union budget. It<br />
is argued that if there was a type of EU tax, which automatically was<br />
collected by the Union, this would ensure that the budgetary authority<br />
would become more responsible in its expenditure decisions because<br />
these would have to be defended in elections subsequently.<br />
This is probably the least likely change to be made to the EU budget<br />
system. Politically it would be difficult to get agreement from certain<br />
member states. As the current system works quite well, it is unlikely that<br />
anyone is going to trade a system which delivers the required financing for<br />
a new system, which may well not have any of the benefits which its<br />
proponents propose.<br />
Finally, the budget rebates, which are part of the resources side of the<br />
budget, should be progressively eliminated, as measures are taken to<br />
ensure that the pain of budget contributions is more justly distributed.<br />
Chapter 4 – Alan Mayhew 73