Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum
Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum Authors Iain Begg | Gabriel Glöckler | Anke Hassel ... - The Europaeum
The second channel of functional spill-over derived from the specificity of cross-border financial institutions: in situations of distress, it becomes exceedingly difficult to determine whether financial institutions are temporarily illiquid but fundamentally solvent, or whether liquidity problems are a reflection of underlying insolvency. Whereas the former can be remedied by emergency liquidity provision by central banks, the latter is a matter for national governments: propping up ailing banks requires taxpayers’ money, and therefore a quintessentially national task. Bank rescues are, however, a form of state aid and hence might undermine the level playing field in the internal market and therefore require a policy response from the centre. The third channel was the sheer size of the liabilities of the financial institutions concerned, making them not only “too big to fail”, but also “too big to rescue” for those banks’ home countries alone (the liabilities for Fortis, for example, amount to a multiple of Belgium’s GDP). The budgetary resources allocated to the supranational level (EU budget) were way too small, meaning that the affected governments needed to seek a cooperative EU-level solution as the only way out. In recognition of these functional necessities, the ECB and the Commission called for a coordinated response on the part of EU governments. In fact, no matter what the precise measures were, and without judging their specific merits, it was clear that whatever EU governments did, they had to do it together. Or as Commission President Barroso put it, it was a matter of “either swimming together or sinking together.” 12 The first Paris summit, convened by French President Sarkozy on 4 October 2008 and involving the European G7 countries (Germany, France, the UK and Italy) as well as the European Commission and the ECB, sought to devise a European position before the G7 meeting on 10 October 2008. However, little in the way of a substantive agreement beyond declaratory politics was achieved. 13 In fact, an earlier, more substantive Dutch proposal for a so-called “European Stabilisation Fund” (mirroring, to some extent, the US initiatives), which would consist of contributions of individual Member States, and amounting to 3% of EU GDP, was explicitly rejected. In other words, the demand for a coordinated EU-level policy response was not seen as sufficient to engender supply. This changed with the further intensification of the crisis in the week prior to the G7 meetings. On 12 October 2009, a second Paris summit was called by President Sarkozy, this time involving the heads of state of all euro area 50 After the crisis: A new socio-economic settlement for the EU
countries, the presidents of the European Commission and the ECB as well as the British prime minister (for parts of the meeting). This time, a European response was agreed upon. 14 There are several reasons why, within the span of a week, the demand for a coordinated EU response had risen: n First, it was obvious that financial markets did not distinguish between national markets any longer – especially not in the euro area. The relevant indices across euro area countries were plummeting in sync, regardless of the specific situations in individual countries. n Second, after the bold US government action (the “Paulson Plan”), the financial markets expected “the Europeans” to come up with an answer to the problems generated by the market tensions for the financial institutions in Europe. n Third, there also was a clear understanding among EU governments that the confidence effects of a common approach were significant, and that these effects would be larger the more “Europe” a package of measures contains – a sort of “shock-and-awe” strategy for financial markets through the sheer size of the joint action. In other words, the effects of a common EU package would be larger than that of the sum of its (national) parts. The answer provided by the Paris Summit was a euro area umbrella of guiding principles and common intentions for the design of national responses with a view to upholding the common market and level playing field. But was it a genuine EU response? On the one hand, the set of measures that was agreed upon can be called an EU response because the French Presidency managed to stick the EU label on the outer wrapping of a package that mostly contained a collection of national policy measures. On the other hand, however, the package was not actually an EU response that would conform, strictly speaking, to the méthode communautaire, involving a Commission proposal which is thoroughly discussed by the various layers of the Council machinery, or possibly even seen by the European Parliament. Rather, the measures of the Paris Declaration were very much driven by national governments. The Commission was essentially sidelined in this initiative, though it provided support via its existing infrastructure for cooperation among governments. Chapter 3 – Gabriel Glöckler 51
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- Page 10 and 11: Simona Milio is associate director
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countries, the presidents of the European Commission and the ECB as<br />
well as the British prime minister (for parts of the meeting). This time,<br />
a European response was agreed upon. 14 <strong>The</strong>re are several reasons why,<br />
within the span of a week, the demand for a coordinated EU response had<br />
risen:<br />
n First, it was obvious that financial markets did not distinguish<br />
between national markets any longer – especially not in the<br />
euro area. <strong>The</strong> relevant indices across euro area countries were<br />
plummeting in sync, regardless of the specific situations in<br />
individual countries.<br />
n Second, after the bold US government action (the “Paulson Plan”),<br />
the financial markets expected “the Europeans” to come up with an<br />
answer to the problems generated by the market tensions for the<br />
financial institutions in Europe.<br />
n Third, there also was a clear understanding among EU governments<br />
that the confidence effects of a common approach were significant,<br />
and that these effects would be larger the more “Europe” a package<br />
of measures contains – a sort of “shock-and-awe” strategy for<br />
financial markets through the sheer size of the joint action. In other<br />
words, the effects of a common EU package would be larger than<br />
that of the sum of its (national) parts.<br />
<strong>The</strong> answer provided by the Paris Summit was a euro area umbrella<br />
of guiding principles and common intentions for the design of national<br />
responses with a view to upholding the common market and level playing<br />
field.<br />
But was it a genuine EU response? On the one hand, the set of measures<br />
that was agreed upon can be called an EU response because the French<br />
Presidency managed to stick the EU label on the outer wrapping of a<br />
package that mostly contained a collection of national policy measures.<br />
On the other hand, however, the package was not actually an EU response<br />
that would conform, strictly speaking, to the méthode communautaire,<br />
involving a Commission proposal which is thoroughly discussed by the<br />
various layers of the Council machinery, or possibly even seen by the<br />
European Parliament. Rather, the measures of the Paris Declaration<br />
were very much driven by national governments. <strong>The</strong> Commission was<br />
essentially sidelined in this initiative, though it provided support via its<br />
existing infrastructure for cooperation among governments.<br />
Chapter 3 – <strong>Gabriel</strong> Glöckler 51