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TR Circular E-C058_9th LRT Conference_2003.pdf - Florida ...

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Demery and Higgins 359<br />

have to be supplied by a BRT alternative. This consumer behavior is not explained by the<br />

following:<br />

• Differences in vehicle size or interior configuration. However, the average railcar is<br />

not 30% to 50% wider than the average bus, and does not have 30% to 50% more net floor space<br />

per unit of vehicle length. This is true in particular of <strong>LRT</strong> vehicles. Available facts do not<br />

support this hypothesis.<br />

• Differences in service characteristics. U.S. and Canadian BRT operations are<br />

dominated by freeway and HOV express-bus services, where vehicles operate without stopping<br />

between suburban neighborhoods or park and ride lots and CBD destinations. Lower PVO might<br />

be an inherent characteristic of such service, owing to the lack of intermediate stops where<br />

shorter-distance riders willing to travel as standees might board. However, this is not apparent in<br />

Pittsburgh and Ottawa, where local routes serving intermediate stops share facilities with express<br />

routes that pass through intermediate stations. On-site observations do not support this<br />

hypothesis.<br />

• Lower demand in BRT corridors. However, to give just one example, PVO is lower<br />

through the Lincoln Tunnel between New York City and New Jersey than on several recent <strong>LRT</strong><br />

systems, but Lincoln Tunnel peak volumes (phd) are much higher. Available data do not support<br />

this hypothesis.<br />

• Calibration of supply to demand by operators. Observed PVO levels may be<br />

established, in effect, by transit agency decisions tailoring supply to demand. If this is true, then<br />

it would also introduce bias to the regression models presented above: higher PVO for RRT<br />

would lead to results suggesting that consumers respond to RRT service changes in greater<br />

numbers than actually occurs. However, this hypothesis is extremely difficult to support. Various<br />

operators have widely different loading standard, and the authors do not know of a single<br />

instance where these were established with consumer input. The hypothesis begs the questions of<br />

how operators are able to maintain such consistent PVO levels nonetheless—and why consumers<br />

tolerate (or why operators subject them to) higher levels of peak-period crowding aboard RRT<br />

vehicles.<br />

Service effectiveness is also an issue. In Los Angeles, El Monte Transitway buses<br />

supplied 66% more service during the busiest hour (mhd) than the <strong>LRT</strong> Blue Line, but carried<br />

just 8% more peak-hour traffic (phd) (Tables 1–3). The operator charged premium fares for BRT<br />

services (based on freeway or transitway distance) but not for <strong>LRT</strong> or HRT. 4 Pittsburgh’s East<br />

Busway supplied 2.3 times as much peak-hour service (mhd) than the light-rail system, and<br />

carried nearly twice as much peak-hour traffic. These examples do not support careful calibration<br />

of supply to demand.<br />

Underlying assumptions do not stand up to critical analysis. The hypothesis implies that<br />

operators have the ability to serve all existing demand, and that unserved demand therefore does<br />

not exist. However, various RRT facilities opened from the early 1980s could not accommodate<br />

peak-period volumes of the size implied by preconstruction ridership forecasts. The principal<br />

constraint was vehicle fleet size, although limitations on train length and service frequency are<br />

characteristic of <strong>LRT</strong> facilities (5). Unserved demand has been demonstrated in two cases, and<br />

probably exists in others.<br />

In sum, on-site observations and available data fail to support this hypothesis.

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