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Download - Media Institute of Southern Africa

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MOZAMBIQUE<br />

State <strong>of</strong> the media in <strong>Southern</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> 2002<br />

and with the poor salaries earned by media pr<strong>of</strong>essionals thrown into the equation.<br />

In Mozambique, public consensus is that the media that are not owned by the<br />

state are independent. The word “independent” is ambiguous as far as journalists<br />

are concerned, as through the act <strong>of</strong> producing or publishing a story,<br />

the journalist is vulnerable to bribery or dependence on powerful influences<br />

be they political or financial.<br />

As far as the current journalism is concerned - especially where large audiences<br />

are involved - it is important to note that it is still highly influenced by<br />

state powers on a daily basis. These same ‘state powers’ are also the biggest<br />

producers <strong>of</strong> events that capture the interest <strong>of</strong> the average journalist, who<br />

shuns investigative journalism primarily because <strong>of</strong> a lack <strong>of</strong> resources.<br />

However, this year saw a number <strong>of</strong> instances in which journalists – even<br />

those working for the state media – were able to freely inform their readerships<br />

or audiences.<br />

Concerning <strong>of</strong>ficial bodies established to look after and promote freedom <strong>of</strong><br />

information, their actions were not felt in the year 2002 - neither from a negative<br />

nor positive point <strong>of</strong> view - as was the case with the High <strong>Media</strong> Council.<br />

The Journalists’ Union was also conspicuous by its absence. Journalists were<br />

not summoned to stand trial for alleged acts <strong>of</strong> defamation that they were<br />

accused <strong>of</strong>, even though they frequently practiced confrontational journalism.<br />

The defamation case against journalist Marcelo Mosse – already started in<br />

2001 – and instituted by Nyimpine Chissano, son <strong>of</strong> the state president, remained<br />

dormant in the courts, because <strong>of</strong> procedural incidents raised by the<br />

plaintiff’s lawyer.<br />

In conclusion, this overview in general terms should be accompanied by details,<br />

but the space does not allow. We should, however, draw a few conclusions<br />

for the future.<br />

1. At an <strong>of</strong>ficial level, there is no censorship from a legal point <strong>of</strong> view. The<br />

legal environment is one <strong>of</strong> the most liberal that we know. The law that governs<br />

media is truly open, without restrictions, which is not the case in countries<br />

with democracies older than ours. For example, a journalist may not<br />

even be questioned about the source <strong>of</strong> news.<br />

2. The state treats the media as if it were any other industry. There are no<br />

subsidies for the consumables that the media have to import, as is the case<br />

with newsprint, prohibitively expensive, a cost that strangles a number <strong>of</strong><br />

So This Is Democracy? 75

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