[Dec 2007, Volume 4 Quarterly Issue] Pdf File size - The IIPM Think ...
[Dec 2007, Volume 4 Quarterly Issue] Pdf File size - The IIPM Think ...
[Dec 2007, Volume 4 Quarterly Issue] Pdf File size - The IIPM Think ...
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MORE MARKETS, LESS GOVERNMENT<br />
riod came in for significant changes after<br />
the colonial period came to their end. In<br />
the Indian instance, their build up were<br />
influenced by the colonial forces. <strong>The</strong><br />
market that was more local in the precolonial<br />
period was not quiet so at the<br />
start of the post-colonial period. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
was the availability of a market economy<br />
enabled to a significant degree by a network<br />
of railway connection. <strong>The</strong> availability<br />
of a market economy is an important<br />
distinction, for it helps to make a<br />
transition from where an economy is to<br />
where it wants to reach in a manner that<br />
is akin to a transformation of the economy.<br />
In the Indian instance, Jha points<br />
out that the country at the start of its<br />
post-colonial journey was, among other<br />
countries, the one that was ‘best placed<br />
to make a transition quickly because it<br />
was the only country with a fully developed<br />
national market economy.’ 18 And<br />
yet at the end of about six decades of<br />
economic management, the changes in<br />
the economy is seemingly short of that<br />
which can be viewed as one of transformation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> economic transformation<br />
of India, it is contended, ‘has run into<br />
difficulties because it has gone too slow’,<br />
leading to an outcome that Jha refers to<br />
as ‘the paradox of India’s slow transition’.<br />
19 <strong>The</strong> presence of markets at this<br />
point in time came along with the presence<br />
of the indigenous commercial class<br />
too. As regards the State and the civil<br />
society, the changes recorded by these<br />
two actors require further exploration.<br />
<strong>The</strong> explanation lies in the specific historical<br />
experiences that the State and<br />
civil society underwent in the country.<br />
<strong>The</strong> dimensions of the market are<br />
easier to discern; it is not so with that of<br />
the State and the civil society. <strong>The</strong> involvement<br />
of the civil society in the colonial<br />
period with the colonial State gave<br />
rise to an important development unique<br />
in its own way and quiet different from<br />
that which the European instances<br />
record. In this case, there was a formation<br />
of a ‘we’ that was distinctly different<br />
from the State. It was the norm that nationalist<br />
movements would recruit their<br />
support of interested parties from<br />
among the intending participants in<br />
their cause. <strong>The</strong> goal was the removal of<br />
the colonial State. Towards this, the participation<br />
that was sought was from an<br />
increasing number of participants and<br />
even from those who were not quiet covered<br />
by the colonial State. <strong>The</strong> practitioners<br />
of nationalism, in other words,<br />
were making a case of representing the<br />
indigenous populace in all their domains<br />
of practice, be it economic or be it otherwise.<br />
<strong>The</strong> change from a colonial State<br />
to a nation State was carried out under<br />
the controlling interest of nationalism.<br />
This led to the formation of a State that<br />
was different from the colonial State.<br />
Characterizing this State, Kaviraj points<br />
out that the ‘secret of the immense power<br />
of the nation-states was not the inheritance<br />
from colonialism but from their<br />
nationalist mobilization.’ 20 <strong>The</strong> range of<br />
activities that the State could now command<br />
over was large and it now had the<br />
advantage of being a representative<br />
State that could speak for all. Note that<br />
this was distinct from the European instances<br />
where attempts were consistently<br />
made to sustain different domains<br />
for the State, the market and the civil<br />
society. <strong>The</strong> contributions of theorists<br />
who tried to find solutions to the problem<br />
of one of the actors in an overreach<br />
situation over the other the other two,<br />
and covered in the earlier part of this<br />
essay, were directed to this end. In the<br />
evolving model that had emerged in a<br />
post-colonial State, the overreach by the<br />
State was at the cost of the civil society.<br />
An outcome of the influence of the nation State during<br />
the post colonial period, upon most matters that<br />
the nationalists had embedded their positions on in the<br />
colonial period, was that the State took on contingent<br />
responsibilities in a number of activities<br />
An outcome of the influence of the nation<br />
State during the post colonial period<br />
on most matters that the nationalists<br />
had embedded their positions on in<br />
the colonial period was that the State<br />
took on contingent responsibilities in a<br />
number of activities. This meant a<br />
squeezing of the markets that the commercial<br />
classes in the society would have<br />
endorsed targeting for their growth. A<br />
large spread of influence and an inclusive<br />
control over economic activities can<br />
THE INDIA ECONOMY REVIEW<br />
29