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[Dec 2007, Volume 4 Quarterly Issue] Pdf File size - The IIPM Think ...

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REIMAGINING INDIA<br />

‘native despot the people keep and enjoy<br />

what they produce, though at times they<br />

suffer some violence in the back. Under<br />

the British Indian despot the man is at<br />

peace, there is no violence; his substance<br />

is drained away, unseen, peaceably and<br />

subtly – he starves in peace, and peaceably<br />

perishes in peace, with law and order!”<br />

15 This was a clear recognition of<br />

the differences among the type of States,<br />

and it was a rendition of practices that<br />

each of these States had on the economy.<br />

Dadabhai, a civil society member, was<br />

elaborating on the overreach by the<br />

State and the manner in which its hegemony<br />

overshadowed the development<br />

of indigenous commercial class. <strong>The</strong> focus<br />

of the drain theory was not on the<br />

underdevelopment of the commercial<br />

class per se. <strong>The</strong> State and Commercial<br />

interest were locked into a symbiotic relationship<br />

such as to benefit the British<br />

economy. <strong>The</strong> loss to the peripheral<br />

economy was a consequence. <strong>The</strong> indigenous<br />

commercial class moved forward<br />

instead on a stunted road.<br />

If the State arose as a means to reduce<br />

the violence among interacting individuals<br />

and groups, the colonial State quiet<br />

well performed on this attribute of Statehood.<br />

Dadabhai clearly recognized this<br />

at the empirical level and wrote about<br />

this while elaborating on the arrival of a<br />

more peaceful time over that which prevailed<br />

earlier. <strong>The</strong> peaceful time that<br />

the Colonial State brought in augmented<br />

an increase in economic produce in the<br />

form of raw material that the colonizing<br />

economy required as inputs to its produce.<br />

<strong>The</strong> peripheral economy also provided<br />

the market that the Commercial<br />

interests of the class in that economy<br />

required. <strong>The</strong> peace that came in was<br />

required for the market and yet there<br />

was no getting away from the fact that<br />

the Colonial State while engaged in doing<br />

so was engendering growth of the<br />

markets for the colonizing State. Dadabhai<br />

wrote that, ‘<strong>The</strong>re is security of life<br />

and property in one sense or way, i.e.,<br />

the people are secure from any violence<br />

from each other or from Native despots.’<br />

And yet this did not secure the economy<br />

from the drain that the colonial State<br />

had established. Accordingly, ‘What is<br />

secure, and well secure, is that England<br />

is perfectly safe and secure …to carry<br />

away from India, and to eat up in India,<br />

<strong>The</strong> State and Commercial interest were locked into a<br />

symbiotic relationship such as to benefi t the British<br />

economy. <strong>The</strong> loss to the peripheral economy was a<br />

consequence. <strong>The</strong> indigenous commercial class moved<br />

forward instead on a stunted road<br />

her property at the present rate of<br />

30,000,000 to 40,000,000 a year.’ 16<br />

So clear were the State and Market<br />

relationship recognized that other members<br />

of the civil society too expressed<br />

their dissension with the practices that<br />

emerged out of this relationship. Writing<br />

in the Indian People on 27 th of February<br />

1903, Sachidanand Sinha, pointed out<br />

that the effective administration practiced<br />

during the governance of Lord<br />

Curzon was more an outcome necessitated<br />

by the requirements of commerce.<br />

‘Trade cannot thrive without efficient<br />

administration’, wrote Sinha and adding<br />

that the ‘latter is not worth attending to<br />

in the absence of profits of the former.’<br />

Consequently, it is ‘always with the assent<br />

and often to the dictates of the<br />

Chambers of Commerce (that) the Government<br />

of India is carried on’. 17<br />

This is not a place for arriving at exhaustive<br />

details of the manner in which<br />

the colonial State worked around to address<br />

the requirements of the markets.<br />

Suffice it note that the thesis of Sate and<br />

market reinforcing each other is quiet<br />

clearly observable during this period<br />

and that the members of the Indian civil<br />

society had been able to identify this<br />

relationship. It was recognition of this<br />

relationship that brought the civil society<br />

to debate about the relationship and<br />

so as to arrive at what was required to<br />

change the coordinates of the relationship.<br />

It was the cohesion of the civil society,<br />

which over the years gathered<br />

members of the commercial class that<br />

prompted the building of alternative<br />

viewpoints of the manner that the economy<br />

should function. <strong>The</strong> subsequent<br />

participation by political parties as a<br />

joint effort brought in the transition<br />

from the colonial State to a State that<br />

was part of the Indian scenario. This<br />

constitutes the second issue that merits<br />

recognition and it is that of the civil society<br />

playing an important role in influencing<br />

the changeover from the earlier<br />

State mode to that of yet another one.<br />

Post-Colonialism And <strong>The</strong><br />

Search For New Paradigms<br />

<strong>The</strong> triad of State, market and civil society<br />

as it were during the colonial pe-<br />

28 THE <strong>IIPM</strong> THINK TANK

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