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[Dec 2007, Volume 4 Quarterly Issue] Pdf File size - The IIPM Think ...

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MORE MARKETS, LESS GOVERNMENT<br />

at the core of all attempts to articulate<br />

a notion of civil society in that period,<br />

and since, has been the problematic relation<br />

between the private and the public;<br />

the individual and the social; public ethics<br />

and individual interests; and individual<br />

passions, and public concerns.’ 10<br />

<strong>The</strong> organization of society being an endeavor<br />

of immediate concern, the inclusion<br />

of civil society as a building block is<br />

as relevant and in this context plays a<br />

normative role. Civil society as a normative<br />

ideal emerged, as Seligman points<br />

out to ‘as the result of a crisis in social<br />

order and a breakdown of existing paradigms<br />

of the idea of order.’ 11 <strong>The</strong> stress<br />

points and crisis refers to that between<br />

the State and individual interests. <strong>The</strong><br />

role of civil society has been assessed in<br />

these contexts, and to discharge which<br />

role civil society ‘is most usefully thought<br />

as identifying a set of human capacities,<br />

moral and political.’ 12 This is an effective<br />

expression to hold on to for assessing<br />

the impact of civil society when<br />

functioning as a part of the triad formed<br />

by the State, the market and the<br />

civil society.<br />

Spread Of Markets, Influence<br />

Of States And <strong>The</strong> Colonial<br />

Period In India<br />

It is a point that is made that the state of<br />

the economy in the earlier part of the<br />

eighteenth century in India was not so<br />

different as compared to that in Britain<br />

and other European countries. It is observed<br />

that the ‘economies of India,<br />

China, and other Asian regions in the<br />

early eighteenth century were not so different<br />

– hardly less sophisticated than in<br />

Europe’ and that ‘the economies of Britain<br />

and Europe accelerated after 1750,<br />

quickly outstripping those of India, China,<br />

Japan and the rest of Asia.’ 13 <strong>The</strong><br />

stirrings of the early differences began<br />

at some time during the seventeenth and<br />

the eighteenth centuries. <strong>The</strong> case study<br />

of India is an illustration of what occurred<br />

as a response to the emergent<br />

State and interactions between the State,<br />

the market and the civil society.<br />

<strong>The</strong> pre-colonial history of India has<br />

a continuity that is easily segregated<br />

from that of the beginnings of the arrival<br />

of commercial class from Britain<br />

and other European nation states to India<br />

in search of markets. This early history<br />

of travelers, merchants and those of<br />

the East India Company officials are<br />

that of commercial interests in search of<br />

markets. In various ways the State in<br />

Britain and those in other nations too<br />

emerged as supporters that enabled a<br />

deepening of interests. It is, however,<br />

the cessation of the Company rule and<br />

the initiation of the colonial rule by the<br />

State in Britain that the changes came<br />

into much sharper focus. This is expected<br />

inasmuch as the rule by the colonial<br />

State was qualitatively different from<br />

that by commercial interests in the form<br />

of the Company supported though the<br />

Company was by the State. Accordingly,<br />

while the early stages, and that prior to<br />

the proclamation transferring power to<br />

the State of Britain of the territory of<br />

India, offers a fascinating story of the<br />

manner in which the commercial class<br />

established its presence in the country,<br />

it is the firming up of the relationships<br />

under the State that is of relevance here.<br />

<strong>The</strong> response of the civil society to the<br />

colonial State was at once sharp and often<br />

provocative. Dadabhai Naoroji, the<br />

forefront spokesperson of the economic<br />

drain theory and who estimated the<br />

drain to be to the extent of ‘30,000,000<br />

to 40,000,000 a year’ did not find any<br />

issues with the ‘operations of economic<br />

laws’ as a cause behind this sorry state<br />

of India. Instead, he identified the British<br />

State and its policies that were the<br />

cause. Writing in 1880, Dadabhai pointed<br />

out that, ‘It is not the pitiless operations<br />

of economic laws, but it is the<br />

thoughtless and pitiless action of the<br />

British policy; … in short, it is the pitiless<br />

perversion of economic laws by the<br />

sad bleeding to which India is subjected,<br />

that is destroying India.’ 14 <strong>The</strong> point<br />

Dadabhai Naoroji, the forefront spokesperson of the economic<br />

drain theory and who estimated the drain to be to<br />

the extent of ‘30,000,000 to 40,000,000 a year’ did not<br />

find any issues with the ‘operations of economic laws’ as a<br />

cause behind this sorry state of India<br />

about the overreach by the State was not<br />

restricted to identifying that it was the<br />

role of the State, and the manner in<br />

which the State denuded the economy<br />

causing, that were the reason for the severe<br />

handicap faced by the populace of<br />

the country over which the State presided.<br />

A further issue was raised, and it<br />

was about the operation and influence<br />

of the colonial State as against that of<br />

the pre-colonial State. Dadabhai pointed<br />

out that under the suzerainty of the<br />

THE INDIA ECONOMY REVIEW<br />

27

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