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[Dec 2007, Volume 4 Quarterly Issue] Pdf File size - The IIPM Think ...
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REIMAGINING INDIA<br />
formance more related to the capabilities<br />
of individual states and the opportunities<br />
they create. It is possible that the laggard<br />
states would do what it takes to utilize<br />
their vast pools of underemployed lowcost<br />
labor to attract investment in laborintensive<br />
manufacturing and agri-business.<br />
<strong>The</strong>y would thereby catch up with<br />
the leading states in India. <strong>The</strong> revival of<br />
manufacturing growth since 2004, albeit<br />
still concentrated in skill-intensive<br />
and capital-intensive industries, offers<br />
hope for this scenario.<br />
End Notes<br />
1<br />
This paper is based upon Kochhar et<br />
al. (2006)<br />
2<br />
Of course, other factors also affect<br />
sectoral shares (see, for example,<br />
Chenery and Taylor (1968)), but our<br />
intent here is primarily to see whether<br />
India is an outlier after controlling for<br />
obvious factors, rather than to do an<br />
exhaustive study of the sectoral composition<br />
of growth per se. Also, we<br />
report results for the largest sample of<br />
countries, though the results are qualitatively<br />
similar, when not specifically<br />
noted, for a smaller cross-section restricted<br />
to non-OECD countries.<br />
3<br />
Comparable cross-country data on<br />
employment shares are not available<br />
separately for the manufacturing sector,<br />
only for industry (manufacturing,<br />
mining, and core infrastructure sectors),<br />
and services. Thus the analysis<br />
of employment shares is conducted for<br />
industry and services .<br />
4<br />
<strong>The</strong> choice of South Africa was dictated<br />
primarily by data availability.<br />
Our results are robust to alternative<br />
definitions of skill intensity, including<br />
restricting the definition to the highly<br />
skilled category and defining skill intensity<br />
in terms of share of remuneration<br />
in output rather than value added.<br />
We also checked the correlation of our<br />
measures of skill intensity with that<br />
compiled for the U.S. by Rajan and<br />
Wulf (2004). It is 0.66, for the highly<br />
skilled category, and 0.5 when skill<br />
intensity includes highly skilled and<br />
skilled workers.<br />
5<br />
It may well be, of course, that India’s<br />
labor-intensive production was concentrated<br />
in the unregistered sector,<br />
for which we do not have comparable<br />
data from other countries. To the extent<br />
that firms in the unregistered sector<br />
have inefficiently small scale, total<br />
production would still be smaller and<br />
less competitive than it could be without<br />
the spectrum of regulations. Also,<br />
unregistered labor-intensive production<br />
has been falling considerably over<br />
time, suggesting that this explanation<br />
for India’s lack of concentration in labor-intensive<br />
manufacturing is less<br />
applicable today.<br />
6<br />
This development contradicts the<br />
Kuznets-Chenery hypothesis. Kongsamut,<br />
Rebelo, and Xie (2001), however,<br />
argued based on an analysis of<br />
123 countries over the period 1970-89<br />
that the share of services rises with<br />
development more than anticipated by<br />
the Kuznets-Chenery view.<br />
7<br />
However, we find that industry (that<br />
is, manufacturing, mining and core<br />
infrastructure industries) was a significant<br />
negative outlier in 2000, possibly<br />
related to the much worse than<br />
average performance of India’s infrastructure<br />
sector.<br />
8<br />
In other words, most commentators<br />
look to existing firms to see if labor<br />
laws are a problem. But existing firms<br />
have adapted to these laws, as suggested<br />
both by their pattern of specialization<br />
and their scale. <strong>The</strong> more<br />
pertinent question is whether new<br />
firms are kept from entering because<br />
of the laws. <strong>The</strong> pattern of specialization<br />
in India suggest they are.<br />
9<br />
Alternatively, the wages on unskilled<br />
labor may fall, but wages in agriculture<br />
may place a floor here.<br />
References<br />
• Chenery, H.B., 1960, Patterns of industrial<br />
growth, American Economic<br />
Review Vol. 57, 415-26, and L.J. Taylor,<br />
1968, Development patterns:<br />
among countries and over time, Review<br />
of Economics and Statistics, Vol.<br />
50, 391-416.<br />
• Imbs, J., and R. Wacziarg, 2003, Stages<br />
of development, <strong>The</strong> American<br />
Economic Review, March, Vol. 93,<br />
No. 1.<br />
• Kochhar, Kalpana, Utsav Kumar, Raghuram<br />
Rajan, Arvind Subramanian,<br />
Ioannis Tokatlidis, “India’s Pattern of<br />
Development: What Happened, What<br />
Follows?” Journal of Monetary Economics,<br />
Vol 53(5), July 2006<br />
• Kongsamut, P., S. Rebelo, and D. Xie,<br />
2001, Beyond balanced growth, IMF<br />
Working Paper 01/85 (Washington:<br />
International Monetary Fund).<br />
• Visaria, L., and P. Visaria, 2003, Long<br />
term population projections for major<br />
states, 1991-2101, Economic and Political<br />
Weekly, November.<br />
• Rajan, R. and J.Wulf, 2004, Are perks<br />
purely managerial excess? NBER<br />
Working Paper No. 10494 (Cambridge,<br />
Massachusetts : National Bureau of<br />
Economic Research).<br />
162 THE <strong>IIPM</strong> THINK TANK