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first years after immigration. 543 As for André Wechel, throughout his confessional persecution, he neither renounced his faith nor made it the basis of his publishing program, and he cautiously describes himself as a member of a Republic of Letters rather than as a Protestant (he was a Huguenot). He published neither religious polemics, nor much vernacular writing, focusing his efforts (certainly after settling in Frankfurt) on medical literature, historical chronicles, and pedagogical books, producing only the occasional work of Calvinist theology. Although Wechel’s edition of Dionysius’ works antedates his move to Germany and the beginnings of serious Huguenot persecution, Weigel might have found Wechel the most congenial Dionysius editor—a Protestant who, at least in public, took care to avoid the worst of the polemic and religious controversy of his time. Moreover, given the direct link to Saxony via Languet, or at least to German scholars in general, Wechel’s books might have found their way to Wittenberg. While there is no textual evidence to prove that Weigel used Wechel’s edition of Dionysius, nor is there anything in Wechel’s Dionysius edition to mark it either as pro- or anti-Roman, Wechel’s prudent Protestantism makes him a counter-type for anti-Lutheran Dionysius readers such as Clichtove or Cochlaeus. Italy There are two Italian Dionysius editions published up until 1570, both from Venice, which is no surprise since by 1520, Venice was the largest publishing center in Europe. 544 The first edition was published in 1502 by Joannes Tacuinus de Tridino 543 Ian Maclean, Learning and the Market Place: Essays in the History of the Early Modern Book (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill, 2009), 168-170. 544 Paul F. Grendler, ""Venice"," The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, ed. Hans J. Hillerbrand, Oxford University Press, 1996, 196
(Turin), and is a reprint of Lefèvre d’Étaples’ edition (complete with his preface), but there is little information on Tacuinus himself, other than a note that he printed mainly classical works (Homer, Ovid, Vergil) and flourished between 1492 and 1536. 545 Dionysius, in the context of his printing program, would have likely been classed amongst of the classical Greek and Roman authors. The works he printed might well have reached Saxony, as several of them are found in the Wittenberg library catalogue of 1536. 546 Moreover, Wittenberg librarians were active in seeking out books not readily available, travelling, for instance, to Venice to purchase Greek and Hebrew manuscripts. 547 The second Italian Dionysius edition dates from 1546 (reprinted in 1556), from the presses whose colophon reads Ad signum Spei—the editors who printed at the Sign of Hope were Antonio Brucioli (1487-1566) and Giovanni Centani. 548 Brucioli at least had good reason to conceal his identity as a printer, following his 1532 translation of the Bible into Italian (later placed on the Index in 1559). Born in Florence and initially associated with Florence’s distinguished humanists, Brucioli was exiled from Florence, taking refuge first in Venice (1522) and then in Lyon (1523). 549 Both Lyon and Venice were cities in which Protestantism flourished outside Germany, 550 and while in exile http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t172.e1468 (accessed June 20, 2012). 545 Dionysius Areopagita, Operum Beatissimi Dionysii & Undecim Epistolarum diuini Ignatii Antiochensis ecclesiae Episcopi & unius beati Polycarpi Smyrneorum antistitis, discipulorum sanctorum Apostolorum & martyrum Iesu saluatoris mundi foelicissimorum, (Venice: Joannes Tacuinum de Tridino, 1502). 546 Kusukawa, 254. 547 Ibid, xvii-xviii. 548 Brian Richardson, Printing, Writers and Readers in Renaissance Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 32. The New Testament alone was printed in 1530, the Old and New together in 1532. 549 Anthony M. Cummings, "Musical References in Brucioli's Dialogi and Their Classical and Medieval Antecedents," Journal of the History of Ideas, April 2010: 169-170. 550 Luther’s books made their way to Venice early on (note 163, above), and Lyon was one of the hubs for French Protestants. Philip T. Hoffman, "Lyon," The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, ed. Hans J. 197
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MYSTICISM & CONFESSIONAL CONFLICT I
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ABSTRACT This dissertation investig
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INTRODUCTION • ES IST DIR NICHT B
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mostly undisturbed by his Lutheran
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yet have signalled his assent with
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in a context where action is expect
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Protestant Mysticism: Not a Contrad
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interest, 31 and praised the Theolo
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one can observe the texture of the
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discourse and reasoned debate, or t
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with fragments of Eckhart and Taule
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Dionysius and Eckhart (for differen
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movement, but also profound shifts
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schools, as well as universities wh
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allowed them to cooperate effective
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made clear, would result in dismiss
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and in these external dealings, the
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same laws of physics, but while the
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Tertullian’s De Fuga in Persecuti
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as a martyr. Moreover, Holy Scriptu
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Alternatively, the so-called four-f
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tzeyger und unterrichter ist ynn di
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fellow Lutherans in studying books
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provoked into action unnecessarily,
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masses for the dead (for instance)
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traditional proof texts about the o
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positive understandings of indiffer
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insofar as their imperfection is ra
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Of these forms of indifference, I f
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to Dionysius’ authority. Two grou
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PART I • VALENTIN WEIGEL AND MEIS
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investigating his early modern read
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was a devilish heretic to others (
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his neglect of Eckhart. 158 For ins
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“unheilvolle Kompliziertheit”).
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and Jerome (wearing what looks like
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title page, as mentioned above, des
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of a respectable though not fanatic
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himself, but rather cultivated part
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church that Luther, Melanchthon and
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kan”), and specifically the role
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soul become convinced that nothing
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that salvation can be attained thro
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more importantly, a theology that a
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Mit Recht der Meister genannt: Mode
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These role-reversal dialogues were
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As this chapter has shown, Eckhart
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philosophers from Hegel and Schopen
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CHAPTER 2 • GELASSENE GELASSENHEI
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the relationship between Tauler and
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e “as it was when it was not.”
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Eckhart agree that spiritual povert
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one-of-a-kind thing, or the best ki
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einvaltig stille), an uncreated lig
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e as free of willing and desiring a
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nestling inside the soul, but rathe
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Gelassenheit, das ist, das er nicht
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(necessarily inferior) knowledge pr
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context is that he picks up on Eckh
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he begins to steer the discussion a
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further proof for Weigel’s theory
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understood that the mind cannot pos
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wait in stiller Gelassenheit, recei
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truth as an educated theologian or
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ungewisser”) and finds that his f
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die Blinden an ein ander gehetzett,
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gesagett das ist er selber und ist
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Gelassenheit for the Bible, which i
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that the kind of Gelassenheit Weige
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indifference that allows Weigel to
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teacher. 366 However, the turning p
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Weigel gives the passage an unexpec
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Murren”)—and they do this “in
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and all the more so since he saw li
Page 149 and 150: the strength of the intellectual re
Page 151 and 152: CHAPTER 3 • DIONYSIUS, WHOEVER HE
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Page 155 and 156: destroyer that Dionysius is most of
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Page 159 and 160: points out, with a purification, a
Page 161 and 162: served as cornerstones in defences
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Page 167 and 168: Outside the universities, Dionysius
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Page 179 and 180: The primary piece in the compilatio
Page 181 and 182: It is hardly surprising that Cochla
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Page 189 and 190: Dionysiacum. For Lefèvre d’Étap
Page 191 and 192: Aristotle would have been glad to h
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Page 197 and 198: nine distinct editions of Dionysius
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Page 207 and 208: Weigel concludes that, precisely be
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Page 213 and 214: Names, as the title suggests, is ba
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Page 217 and 218: of being.” 580 As we will see lat
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Page 221 and 222: This is admittedly a nonsensical as
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Page 225 and 226: Dionysius to show that, just as God
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Page 231 and 232: dicitur una.” 616 The stress that
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Page 237 and 238: Melanchthon’s Defence of the Augs
Page 239 and 240: alternative—namely prayer. 643 We
Page 241 and 242: Dionysius writes that the summit of
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Page 245 and 246: work, Weigel had written explicitly
Page 247 and 248: Luther did not ever use the exact p
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writing. By calling his Layman der
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Others are loyal to mere men (the P
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zuerzeigen einen rechtschaffen vnd
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and ceremonial ones at that. 694 Th
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himself returning gloriously from H
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all being. In relinquishing any cre
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improve appearances but, because it
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than resolve it, because the proble
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parcels God, who by rights is supre
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Appendix • The Works of Valentin
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abad, J. M. (1999). Th
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Chenu O.P., M.-D. (1968). In M.-D.
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Eckhart, M. (1993). Werke I (Vol. 1
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Israel, A. (1888). M. Valentin Weig
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MacCulloch, D. (2010). Christianity
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Payne, R. J. (Ed.). (1981). Meister
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Schindling, A., & Ziegler, W. (1990
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Verkamp, B. J. (1975). The Limits u
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