the mystical theology of valentin weigel - DataSpace at Princeton ...
the mystical theology of valentin weigel - DataSpace at Princeton ... the mystical theology of valentin weigel - DataSpace at Princeton ...
Although we cannot say exactly which edition of Dionysius that Weigel used, I have narrowed down the many early modern Dionysius editions to a much smaller set, and focus only the subset of editions that Weigel might have read. The first criterion by which some Dionysius editions can be eliminated is the translation that Weigel used. By 1550, there existed four complete Latin translations of Dionysius—by Hilduin and Eriugena (both ninth century), John Saracennus (twelfth century) and the most recent translation by Ambrogio Traversari Calmadulensis (early fifteenth century)—as well as a partial translation by Marsilio Ficino (late fifteenth century) of the Mystical Theology and the Divine Names, and finally the so-called Extractio Vercellensis (paraphrase) by Thomas Gallus (thirteenth century). 532 Weigel, it seems, was using Traversari’s translation: even allowing for changes Weigel would have made in paraphrasing, Traversarius translation is a very close fit with what Weigel has copied. In addition to the overall syntax and structure, there are a few individual words that are found only in Traversarius’ version, making it clear that his was the translation Weigel was using. I am assuming that Weigel worked with a printed copy of Dionysius’ works rather than with a manuscript. 533 Moreover, Dionysius first appears in Weigel’s work in 1570, which leaves 532 Charles L. Stinger, Humanism and the Church Fathers: Ambrogio Traversari (1386-1439) and Christian Antiquity in the Italian Renaissance (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1977), 159- 161. 533 This assumption could perhaps be challenged with much more archival work on the Dionysius manuscripts circulating in Germany in the 16 th century. However, for the purposes of this study, there is no reason not to think that Weigel was using a printed book. There is, to my knowledge, no work on the postmedieval Dionysius manuscripts, and this understudied area could, I suspect, produce interesting findings in future work. On the manuscript transmission of Dionysius’ work, see for the Byzantine (pre-medieval and non-Western) tradition see Dionysius Areopagite, Corpus Dionysiacum, ed. Beat Regina Suchla, Vol. 1 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1990). For the early medieval era see David Luscombe, Denis the Pseudo- Areopagite in the Middle Ages from Hilduin to Lorenzo Valla, Vol. 1, in Fälschungen im Mittelalter: Internationaler Kongress der Monumenta Germaniae Historica, München, 16.-19. September 1986 (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1988). For the Middle Ages see H. F. Dondaine, Le corpus dionysien de l'Université de Paris au XIIIe siècle (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1953). However, this study is limited to Paris and to the 13 th century. See also Mystical Theology: The Glosses by Thomas Gallus and the Commentary of Robert Grossetests on De Mystica Theologia (Leuven: Peeters, 2003). 192
nine distinct editions of Dionysius (complete, Traversarius translation, published before 1570) that Weigel could have used. Of these, six (more than half) were from France (all from Paris), two from Italy (both from Venice) and one from Spain (Alcalá de Henares, near Madrid). France Given the central importance of Saint Denis to the history of the French monarchy, it is perhaps no surprise that the bulk of the Dionysius editions under consideration here are from Paris. We have already encountered in some detail the editors of two of the Parisian Dionysius editions, Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples (the 1498 edition) and Josse Clichtove (the 1515 edition). 534 It is worth noting, however, that Weigel likely had had access to both editions, since books published by both editors were available as far away as Saxony. Luther himself read and thoroughly annotated Lefèvre d’Étaples’ translation of the Psalms (the Quincuplex Psalterum of 1509), 535 and a catalogue of the Wittenberg university library from 1536 lists several works by Clichtove and numerous works by Lefèvre d’Étaples, most pertinently his 1498 edition of Dionysius. 536 Indeed, as we will see in the following pages, the Lefèvre d’Étaples edition is reprinted throughout Europe by other printers, meaning that it seems to be the definitive edition of Dionysius’ work in the early modern period, and therefore most likely the one that Weigel consulted. 534 On Hopyl, Higman and Estienne, the printers of the Étaples and Clichtove editions, see Elizabeth Armstrong, Robert Estienne Royal Printer: An Historical Study of the Elder Stephanus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954), 3-17; Marieke van Delft, "Illustrations in Early Printed Books and Manuscript Illumination: The Case of a Dutch Book of Hours Printed by Wolfgang Hopyl in Paris in 1500," in Books in Transition at the Time of Philip the Fair, 131-164 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010). 535 Hughes, 60-61. See also n. 15 on p. 61 of this chapter. 536 Sachiko Kusukawa, A Wittenberg University Library Catalogue of 1536 (Binghamton, NY: Medieval & Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1995). 193
- Page 145 and 146: Murren”)—and they do this “in
- Page 147 and 148: and all the more so since he saw li
- Page 149 and 150: the strength of the intellectual re
- Page 151 and 152: CHAPTER 3 • DIONYSIUS, WHOEVER HE
- Page 153 and 154: demonstrated for Eckhart, I will de
- Page 155 and 156: destroyer that Dionysius is most of
- Page 157 and 158: ears good news to the church.” 39
- Page 159 and 160: points out, with a purification, a
- Page 161 and 162: served as cornerstones in defences
- Page 163 and 164: (Acts 17: 15-34), one of the skepti
- Page 165 and 166: to make the interpretation of these
- Page 167 and 168: Outside the universities, Dionysius
- Page 169 and 170: defiled the “sacred things” by
- Page 171 and 172: other leaders of the Protestant Ref
- Page 173 and 174: valorization of hierarchy per se in
- Page 175 and 176: as well as the with the arguments u
- Page 177 and 178: freedom, but rather obedience. 468
- Page 179 and 180: The primary piece in the compilatio
- Page 181 and 182: It is hardly surprising that Cochla
- Page 183 and 184: it does during the Council of Trent
- Page 185 and 186: for a hierarchical church, seizing
- Page 187 and 188: the ancient teaching”) that “be
- Page 189 and 190: Dionysiacum. For Lefèvre d’Étap
- Page 191 and 192: Aristotle would have been glad to h
- Page 193 and 194: enlightens all great thinkers in ev
- Page 195: offered Dionysius to the Gelehrtenr
- Page 199 and 200: editions of Greek and Latin classic
- Page 201 and 202: (Turin), and is a reprint of Lefèv
- Page 203 and 204: presses in Spain (his first publica
- Page 205 and 206: growing body of evidence suggesting
- Page 207 and 208: Weigel concludes that, precisely be
- Page 209 and 210: apart, he suggested that true Chris
- Page 211 and 212: and so did not dwell on the fact th
- Page 213 and 214: Names, as the title suggests, is ba
- Page 215 and 216: animals, through plants and non-liv
- Page 217 and 218: of being.” 580 As we will see lat
- Page 219 and 220: (“God is a rock”) or even a neg
- Page 221 and 222: This is admittedly a nonsensical as
- Page 223 and 224: compositions, most likely dating to
- Page 225 and 226: Dionysius to show that, just as God
- Page 227 and 228: efer to Greek and Hebrew, the bibli
- Page 229 and 230: argues that there cannot be more th
- Page 231 and 232: dicitur una.” 616 The stress that
- Page 233 and 234: Weigel suggests will allow the soul
- Page 235 and 236: saving sacraments by means of which
- Page 237 and 238: Melanchthon’s Defence of the Augs
- Page 239 and 240: alternative—namely prayer. 643 We
- Page 241 and 242: Dionysius writes that the summit of
- Page 243 and 244: leibet er illimitatus.” 658 Weige
- Page 245 and 246: work, Weigel had written explicitly
Although we cannot say exactly which edition <strong>of</strong> Dionysius th<strong>at</strong> Weigel used, I<br />
have narrowed down <strong>the</strong> many early modern Dionysius editions to a much smaller set,<br />
and focus only <strong>the</strong> subset <strong>of</strong> editions th<strong>at</strong> Weigel might have read. The first criterion by<br />
which some Dionysius editions can be elimin<strong>at</strong>ed is <strong>the</strong> transl<strong>at</strong>ion th<strong>at</strong> Weigel used. By<br />
1550, <strong>the</strong>re existed four complete L<strong>at</strong>in transl<strong>at</strong>ions <strong>of</strong> Dionysius—by Hilduin and<br />
Eriugena (both ninth century), John Saracennus (twelfth century) and <strong>the</strong> most recent<br />
transl<strong>at</strong>ion by Ambrogio Traversari Calmadulensis (early fifteenth century)—as well as a<br />
partial transl<strong>at</strong>ion by Marsilio Ficino (l<strong>at</strong>e fifteenth century) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mystical Theology and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Divine Names, and finally <strong>the</strong> so-called Extractio Vercellensis (paraphrase) by<br />
Thomas Gallus (thirteenth century). 532 Weigel, it seems, was using Traversari’s<br />
transl<strong>at</strong>ion: even allowing for changes Weigel would have made in paraphrasing,<br />
Traversarius transl<strong>at</strong>ion is a very close fit with wh<strong>at</strong> Weigel has copied. In addition to <strong>the</strong><br />
overall syntax and structure, <strong>the</strong>re are a few individual words th<strong>at</strong> are found only in<br />
Traversarius’ version, making it clear th<strong>at</strong> his was <strong>the</strong> transl<strong>at</strong>ion Weigel was using. I am<br />
assuming th<strong>at</strong> Weigel worked with a printed copy <strong>of</strong> Dionysius’ works ra<strong>the</strong>r than with a<br />
manuscript. 533 Moreover, Dionysius first appears in Weigel’s work in 1570, which leaves<br />
532 Charles L. Stinger, Humanism and <strong>the</strong> Church Fa<strong>the</strong>rs: Ambrogio Traversari (1386-1439) and<br />
Christian Antiquity in <strong>the</strong> Italian Renaissance (Albany: St<strong>at</strong>e University <strong>of</strong> New York Press, 1977), 159-<br />
161.<br />
533 This assumption could perhaps be challenged with much more archival work on <strong>the</strong> Dionysius<br />
manuscripts circul<strong>at</strong>ing in Germany in <strong>the</strong> 16 th century. However, for <strong>the</strong> purposes <strong>of</strong> this study, <strong>the</strong>re is no<br />
reason not to think th<strong>at</strong> Weigel was using a printed book. There is, to my knowledge, no work on <strong>the</strong> postmedieval<br />
Dionysius manuscripts, and this understudied area could, I suspect, produce interesting findings<br />
in future work. On <strong>the</strong> manuscript transmission <strong>of</strong> Dionysius’ work, see for <strong>the</strong> Byzantine (pre-medieval<br />
and non-Western) tradition see Dionysius Areopagite, Corpus Dionysiacum, ed. Be<strong>at</strong> Regina Suchla, Vol. 1<br />
(Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1990). For <strong>the</strong> early medieval era see David Luscombe, Denis <strong>the</strong> Pseudo-<br />
Areopagite in <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages from Hilduin to Lorenzo Valla, Vol. 1, in Fälschungen im Mittelalter:<br />
Intern<strong>at</strong>ionaler Kongress der Monumenta Germaniae Historica, München, 16.-19. September 1986<br />
(Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1988). For <strong>the</strong> Middle Ages see H. F. Dondaine, Le corpus dionysien<br />
de l'Université de Paris au XIIIe siècle (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letter<strong>at</strong>ura, 1953). However, this study<br />
is limited to Paris and to <strong>the</strong> 13 th century. See also Mystical Theology: The Glosses by Thomas Gallus and<br />
<strong>the</strong> Commentary <strong>of</strong> Robert Grossetests on De Mystica Theologia (Leuven: Peeters, 2003).<br />
192