the mystical theology of valentin weigel - DataSpace at Princeton ...
the mystical theology of valentin weigel - DataSpace at Princeton ... the mystical theology of valentin weigel - DataSpace at Princeton ...
confirmed by Hermes Termaximus [i.e. Trismegistus] who says that God is nothing, and yet that God is all.” 504 Ficino’s interest in Dionysius and Hermes is mirrored in the work of Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples, who produced one of the first printed Dionysius edition in 1498, as well as an edition of Ficino’s translation of part of the Corpus Hermeticum in 1594, followed by the entire translation into Latin in 1505. 505 Lefevre d’Étaples travelled to Italy several times and met many of the Italian humanists, including Pico Della Mirandola. Although Lefèvre d’Étaples ultimately disavowed his earlier enthusiasm for (and defence of) white magic, others in his circle took away from Étaples an interest in the Hermetic writings, as well as other less theologically suspect esoteric disciplines like numerology. 506 But while Lefèvre d’Étaples was interested enough in Ficino’s ideas to publish one of his works, he nevertheless only walked a few tentative steps down Ficino’s syncretistic path, as we can see from the introduction to his edition of the Corpus 504 Cited in Yates, 125. The Dionysius passage is from the first chapter of the Divine Names. 505 The 1494 volume contained only the so-called Pimander, as translated and edited by Ficino. The 1505 version contained the entire body of works attributed to Hermes Trismegistus, the Pimander and the socalled Asclepius. Both works had been printed separately before, but Étaples was the first to bring them together in a single volume (in the 1505 edition). In this volume he also included a hermetic dialogue called the Crater Hermetis by the poet laureate Lodovico Lazzarelli (1447-1500), a work composed in the spirit of the Corpus Hermeticum that Étaples must have considered similar enough in spirit to be published alongside the more ancient Hermetic works (Hanegraaf and Bouthoorn call it “one of the purest and most explicit examples of hermetic-Christian syncretism”, 57). Lazzarelli also translated the last part of the Corpus Hermeticum that was missing from the manuscript Ficino used for his own translation; this second part of the Corpus was published by Symphorien Champier (1470-1540) in 1507. On Lazzarelli, see Wouter J. Hanegraaff and Ruud M. Bouthoorn, Lodovico Lazzarelli (1447-1500): The Hermetic Writings and Related Documents, 2005. On Symphorien Champier, see Brian P. Copenhaver, Symphorien Champier and the Reception of the Occultist Tradition in Renaissance France (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1978). 506 Philip Edgcumbe Hughes, Lefèvre: Pioneer of Ecclesiastical Renewal in France (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1984), 22-24. He did, however, retain his interest in mystical numbers, at least enough to communicate this interest to several students; both Charles de Bovelles (De perfectis numeris ad Iacobum Fabrum Stapulensem philosophum claissimum, 1510) and Clichtove (De mystica numerorum significatione, 1513) published books on numerology. Brian P. Copenhaver, "Étaples d'Étaples, Symphorien Champier, and the Secret Names of God," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 40 (1977): 189-211. 184
Dionysiacum. For Lefèvre d’Étaples, Dionysius illuminated hidden knowledge, knowledge that was not exactly extra-biblical (that would be a heretical idea), but that did, at any rate, reveal to the theologian secrets not given to ordinary Christians. In the preface to this work, Lefèvre d’Étaples begins by praising Dionysius for his proximity to the source of sacred knowledge (“unumquodque quanto magis suae propinquat origini, tanto quoque puriorem suam retinet naturam atque servat”). 507 The sacred Scriptures (the New and Old Testaments) flowed out from God himself and so are most authoritative and venerable (“ut quae a Deo proxime manaverint in dispositos animos transfusa”); the writings of the Apostles and the Old Testament prophets rank next in dignity and authority. 508 At only one further remove, however, are the hagiographa and sacred writings produced by those who heard the Apostles speak directly (“quae apostolorum auditores”), and it is with these hagiographa sanctaque scripta that Dionysius’ writings rank, according to Lefèvre d’Étaples. These most sacred works (“sacratissima opera”) are left as a legacy for the future community of the faithful (“ad fidelis ecclesiae instituendam futuram sobolem reliquere”). 509 In short, Dionysius is a light that is brilliant because it is close to the sun: “lumen quanto soli vicinius est, tanto splendet illustrius vimque mortalium superat oculorum.” However much Dionysius is a brilliant light, and however foundational his works might be for the Church, Lefèvre d’Étaples still points out that Scripture is like an ark in which treasures of wisdom are locked up, shrouded in an impenetrable darkness. Dionysius unlocks this ark by the light of the mystical wisdom he offers: “et eloquia persimilia sunt arcae in qua sapientiae thesauri latentius occlusi 507 Eugene Rice, The Prefatory Epistles of Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples and Related Texts (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), 60-61. Dionysius Areopagite, Theologia viuificans. Cibus solidus., ed. Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples (Paris: Johann Higman and Wolfgang Hopyl, 1498/99). 508 Ibid, 61. 509 Ibid. 185
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confirmed by Hermes Termaximus [i.e. Trismegistus] who says th<strong>at</strong> God is nothing, and<br />
yet th<strong>at</strong> God is all.” 504<br />
Ficino’s interest in Dionysius and Hermes is mirrored in <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> Jacques<br />
Lefèvre d’Étaples, who produced one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first printed Dionysius edition in 1498, as<br />
well as an edition <strong>of</strong> Ficino’s transl<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Corpus Hermeticum in 1594,<br />
followed by <strong>the</strong> entire transl<strong>at</strong>ion into L<strong>at</strong>in in 1505. 505 Lefevre d’Étaples travelled to<br />
Italy several times and met many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Italian humanists, including Pico Della<br />
Mirandola. Although Lefèvre d’Étaples ultim<strong>at</strong>ely disavowed his earlier enthusiasm for<br />
(and defence <strong>of</strong>) white magic, o<strong>the</strong>rs in his circle took away from Étaples an interest in<br />
<strong>the</strong> Hermetic writings, as well as o<strong>the</strong>r less <strong>the</strong>ologically suspect esoteric disciplines like<br />
numerology. 506<br />
But while Lefèvre d’Étaples was interested enough in Ficino’s ideas to publish<br />
one <strong>of</strong> his works, he never<strong>the</strong>less only walked a few tent<strong>at</strong>ive steps down Ficino’s<br />
syncretistic p<strong>at</strong>h, as we can see from <strong>the</strong> introduction to his edition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Corpus<br />
504 Cited in Y<strong>at</strong>es, 125. The Dionysius passage is from <strong>the</strong> first chapter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Divine Names.<br />
505 The 1494 volume contained only <strong>the</strong> so-called Pimander, as transl<strong>at</strong>ed and edited by Ficino. The 1505<br />
version contained <strong>the</strong> entire body <strong>of</strong> works <strong>at</strong>tributed to Hermes Trismegistus, <strong>the</strong> Pimander and <strong>the</strong> socalled<br />
Asclepius. Both works had been printed separ<strong>at</strong>ely before, but Étaples was <strong>the</strong> first to bring <strong>the</strong>m<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r in a single volume (in <strong>the</strong> 1505 edition). In this volume he also included a hermetic dialogue called<br />
<strong>the</strong> Cr<strong>at</strong>er Hermetis by <strong>the</strong> poet laure<strong>at</strong>e Lodovico Lazzarelli (1447-1500), a work composed in <strong>the</strong> spirit <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Corpus Hermeticum th<strong>at</strong> Étaples must have considered similar enough in spirit to be published<br />
alongside <strong>the</strong> more ancient Hermetic works (Hanegraaf and Bouthoorn call it “one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> purest and most<br />
explicit examples <strong>of</strong> hermetic-Christian syncretism”, 57). Lazzarelli also transl<strong>at</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> last part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Corpus Hermeticum th<strong>at</strong> was missing from <strong>the</strong> manuscript Ficino used for his own transl<strong>at</strong>ion; this second<br />
part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Corpus was published by Symphorien Champier (1470-1540) in 1507. On Lazzarelli, see<br />
Wouter J. Hanegraaff and Ruud M. Bouthoorn, Lodovico Lazzarelli (1447-1500): The Hermetic Writings<br />
and Rel<strong>at</strong>ed Documents, 2005. On Symphorien Champier, see Brian P. Copenhaver, Symphorien Champier<br />
and <strong>the</strong> Reception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Occultist Tradition in Renaissance France (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1978).<br />
506 Philip Edgcumbe Hughes, Lefèvre: Pioneer <strong>of</strong> Ecclesiastical Renewal in France (Grand Rapids, MI:<br />
William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1984), 22-24. He did, however, retain his interest in <strong>mystical</strong><br />
numbers, <strong>at</strong> least enough to communic<strong>at</strong>e this interest to several students; both Charles de Bovelles (De<br />
perfectis numeris ad Iacobum Fabrum Stapulensem philosophum claissimum, 1510) and Clichtove (De<br />
mystica numerorum signific<strong>at</strong>ione, 1513) published books on numerology. Brian P. Copenhaver, "Étaples<br />
d'Étaples, Symphorien Champier, and <strong>the</strong> Secret Names <strong>of</strong> God," Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Warburg and Courtauld<br />
Institutes 40 (1977): 189-211.<br />
184