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in a context where action is expected and privileged. 18 As Hans-Joachim Müller points<br />

out, intentions and feelings are lost to historians, but texts do allow access to <strong>the</strong><br />

rhetorically constructed expression <strong>of</strong> those feelings. 19 To focus on intention and<br />

character as August and Jones do is to miss <strong>the</strong> constructedness (and hence social<br />

embeddedness) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se expressions. Should Weigel have expressed his sincerely held<br />

convictions, even if it might have meant losing his post, imprisonment or exile? Or worse,<br />

since he believed th<strong>at</strong> mainstream Lu<strong>the</strong>ran <strong>the</strong>ology was <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> antichrist,<br />

had he not failed to witness to <strong>the</strong> truth <strong>of</strong> Christ as <strong>the</strong> early martyrs did? 20 I have dwelt<br />

on this episode because it crystalizes <strong>the</strong> key question th<strong>at</strong> Weigel wrestles with<br />

throughout his oeuvre in various guises: how should a Christian reach a decision about<br />

how to act? Specifically, how can (and should) written texts function as a guide to right<br />

action?<br />

In reconstructing Weigel’s decision not to speak out, as well as <strong>the</strong> terms in which<br />

he frames his decision, I found th<strong>at</strong> Weigel drew support from an intellectual tradition<br />

th<strong>at</strong> is not considered influential on his early modern Protestant milieu, namely medieval<br />

<strong>mystical</strong> writers, and in particular those belonging to <strong>the</strong> tradition <strong>of</strong> neg<strong>at</strong>ive <strong>the</strong>ology as<br />

it was expressed by Meister Eckhart (l<strong>at</strong>e thirteenth century) and Dionysius <strong>the</strong><br />

18 Weeks, Religious Dissenter, 15. In a sense, Weeks does not get away from questions <strong>of</strong> character and<br />

intention entirely ei<strong>the</strong>r, because even as he chooses to withhold judgement he does not investig<strong>at</strong>e fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />

<strong>the</strong> many things th<strong>at</strong> Weigel himself had to say on <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> taking action.<br />

19 Müller here is speaking about those involved in an <strong>at</strong>tempt to unify various Christian denomin<strong>at</strong>ions in<br />

<strong>the</strong> mid-seventeenth century (<strong>the</strong> Irenic movement), but his words might also well apply to Weigel: “Irenik<br />

wird so...zu einer Frage der Bewertung der Intentionen derjenigen, die in den interkonfessionellen Diskurs<br />

eintreten. Eine solche Auffassung birgt viele Probleme in sich: Nicht nur, daß man sich anmaßt, aus der<br />

Retrospektive die Intentionen und Motiv<strong>at</strong>ionen der handelnden Theologen, Gelehrten und Politiker<br />

moralisch zu bewerten, es besteht in der Reduktion auf ihre Gesinnung auch die Gefahr, den<br />

Regelhaftigkeiten, Verhaltensweisen und Stretegien in der interkonfessionellen Auseinandersetzung zu<br />

wenig Bedeutung beizumessen.” Hans-Joachim Müller, Irenik als Kommunik<strong>at</strong>ionreform: Das Colloquium<br />

Charit<strong>at</strong>ivum von Thorn 1645 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004), 30.<br />

20 See for instance Valentin Weigel, Seligmachende Erkenntnis Gottes, in Schriften: Neue Edition, Vol. 9<br />

(Stuttgart, Bad Cannst<strong>at</strong>t: Frommann-Holzboog, 2008), 78 and 81.<br />

7

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