Health, Women's Work, and Industrialization - Center for Gender in ...

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The difference in health status between Singaporean and Malaysian
workers can be explained in part by the general standard of living, which is
re1 ated to chronology of capital ist development and workers' backgrounds.
That is to say, Si ngapore provi des, generally, better housing, transport,
and health care than Mal aysi a, in part because of opportuni ti es afforded
with a small geographic area and in part because of greater incorporation
into the capitalist system. By the same token, workers from Malaysia's
rural areas are less likely to have experienced modern sanitation and health
care than workers from urban environments. The interviews, however, suggest
a further difference. In Si ngapore, more workers appear to have
self-confi dence and to val ue work as a 1 earni ng experi ence in ways that
workers in Malaysia did not express. The workers in Singapore experienced
more transfers within the company and job changes than those in Malaysia.
In fact, workers in Malaysia refused promotions in order to stay on the line
with thei r fri ends. These experiences appear to have been important in
effecting changing values and outlooks. Furthermore, work opportunities for
women in the modern sector appear to be more plentiful in Singapore. It
appears that capi tal i st development in Si ngapore has proceeded further in
its penetrati on of soci ety. Though sti 11 secondary, the status of women,
especially in the labor market, appears to be changing faster than in
Malaysia. Thus, it can be suggested that the subjective outlooks of
workers, which mediate health outcomes, embody not only job satisfaction but
also the changing role of women as offered by industrial development.
A further mediation role can be attributed to health services and
occupational health policies. In both Singapore and Malaysia, the companies
provide primary care services as well as occupational health services. The
main role of the factory c1 inic is to keep workers well enough to continue
productive activities. To this end, the clinic (and its free services)
serve an important reproductive function. In doing so, however, the clinic
also becomes an arena for labor struggles. The nurses are, on the one hand,
the ones who ease pain and hurt and who provide comfort and advice. On the
other hand, they are an extension of management. The workers realize that,
without other channels to solve grievances, ill-health is their only
legitimate excuse for withdrawing labor. Health, then, becomes a negotiated
process rather than a defined outcome.
The varied degrees to which the factory health service is involved in
occupational health are dependent upon pressures from both headquarters and
the government. In this respect, Singapore is quite different from
Malaysia. In Malaysia, officials in the Department of Factories and
Machinery speak quite openly not only about shortage of staff and funds but
also about the government's fear of antagonizing foreign investors.
Regulations, to the extent that they exist, are seldom enforced. The
explicit prohibition of unions in the electronics industry further signifies
the government's stance. In Singapore, along with increasing wages,
introducing skills development programs, and embarking upon a "Second
Industri a1 Revo1 uti on," the government has a1 so acti ve1y begun to promote
occupational health and safety. Many companies are now introducing
biological and environmental monitoring and are employing new engineering