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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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TELECOMMUNICATIONS POLICY 75<br />

real limitations, we will discuss in later chapters how the Brazilian state has<br />

taken an unprecedented lead among Southern nations in including civil<br />

society participation in information policy design as well as in advocating<br />

for greater ‘digital inclusion’ through the promotion of open-source<br />

software. The point here is that redistributive claims for access continue<br />

to play an important role in shaping the parameters of policy outcome.<br />

Similar to the Brazilian experience in some ways, the Indian state has<br />

also negotiated a slower pace of reform when compared to the rapid<br />

liberalization undertaken by neighbours in the subcontinent as well as<br />

throughout much of Southeast Asia. The democratic legacy of the Indian<br />

state has meant that it has had to mediate political interests, ranging<br />

from domestic capital to trade unions <strong>and</strong> new social movements that have<br />

emerged since the 1980s (Chakravartty 2004). Although efforts to reform<br />

the sector internally began in the mid-1980s, it was an unprecedented balance<br />

of payments crisis in 1991 that forced the Congress government to<br />

consider more drastic steps towards telecommunications liberalization.<br />

This included the liberalization of the equipment market, <strong>and</strong> opening up<br />

value-added services in the same way that cellular phones <strong>and</strong> paging were<br />

to private investors in 1992. After several years of internal negotiations<br />

between competing bureaucratic interests within the state, the government<br />

passed the controversial 1994 National Telecommunications <strong>Policy</strong><br />

(NTP) in 1994, which opened basic services to limited foreign competition.<br />

<strong>Policy</strong>-makers <strong>and</strong> business leaders alike bemoan interference from<br />

‘vested interests’, characterizing the Indian case as ‘privatization without<br />

deregulation’, with the state continuing to play a substantial role as<br />

policy-maker, dominant operator <strong>and</strong> adjudicator.<br />

Although initial corporate interest in the Indian telecommunications<br />

market was euphoric, with unexpectedly high bids for cellular licences<br />

<strong>and</strong> basic service licenses in lucrative regions, the entry of private <strong>and</strong> especially<br />

foreign private investors was regulated on the basis of principles<br />

of national <strong>and</strong> public interest. The implementation of reforms in India<br />

was a drawn-out negotiated process between different institutional actors<br />

within the state, competing interests between domestic <strong>and</strong> transnational<br />

capital <strong>and</strong> growing public scrutiny of the liberalization process from<br />

organized labour, consumer advocates <strong>and</strong> the media. While reformers<br />

<strong>and</strong> corporate actors argued that public interest would be best served<br />

by foreign investment <strong>and</strong> technology entering India’s vast untapped<br />

market, critics held that the nation’s disparate information economy required<br />

safeguards for the majority of low-income subscribers. The private<br />

firms that entered the telecommunications market in India concentrated<br />

their investment in urban areas, in many cases paying penalties to the<br />

state rather than rolling out expensive infrastructure in areas deemed

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