Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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TELECOMMUNICATIONS POLICY 75<br />
real limitations, we will discuss in later chapters how the Brazilian state has<br />
taken an unprecedented lead among Southern nations in including civil<br />
society participation in information policy design as well as in advocating<br />
for greater ‘digital inclusion’ through the promotion of open-source<br />
software. The point here is that redistributive claims for access continue<br />
to play an important role in shaping the parameters of policy outcome.<br />
Similar to the Brazilian experience in some ways, the Indian state has<br />
also negotiated a slower pace of reform when compared to the rapid<br />
liberalization undertaken by neighbours in the subcontinent as well as<br />
throughout much of Southeast Asia. The democratic legacy of the Indian<br />
state has meant that it has had to mediate political interests, ranging<br />
from domestic capital to trade unions <strong>and</strong> new social movements that have<br />
emerged since the 1980s (Chakravartty 2004). Although efforts to reform<br />
the sector internally began in the mid-1980s, it was an unprecedented balance<br />
of payments crisis in 1991 that forced the Congress government to<br />
consider more drastic steps towards telecommunications liberalization.<br />
This included the liberalization of the equipment market, <strong>and</strong> opening up<br />
value-added services in the same way that cellular phones <strong>and</strong> paging were<br />
to private investors in 1992. After several years of internal negotiations<br />
between competing bureaucratic interests within the state, the government<br />
passed the controversial 1994 National Telecommunications <strong>Policy</strong><br />
(NTP) in 1994, which opened basic services to limited foreign competition.<br />
<strong>Policy</strong>-makers <strong>and</strong> business leaders alike bemoan interference from<br />
‘vested interests’, characterizing the Indian case as ‘privatization without<br />
deregulation’, with the state continuing to play a substantial role as<br />
policy-maker, dominant operator <strong>and</strong> adjudicator.<br />
Although initial corporate interest in the Indian telecommunications<br />
market was euphoric, with unexpectedly high bids for cellular licences<br />
<strong>and</strong> basic service licenses in lucrative regions, the entry of private <strong>and</strong> especially<br />
foreign private investors was regulated on the basis of principles<br />
of national <strong>and</strong> public interest. The implementation of reforms in India<br />
was a drawn-out negotiated process between different institutional actors<br />
within the state, competing interests between domestic <strong>and</strong> transnational<br />
capital <strong>and</strong> growing public scrutiny of the liberalization process from<br />
organized labour, consumer advocates <strong>and</strong> the media. While reformers<br />
<strong>and</strong> corporate actors argued that public interest would be best served<br />
by foreign investment <strong>and</strong> technology entering India’s vast untapped<br />
market, critics held that the nation’s disparate information economy required<br />
safeguards for the majority of low-income subscribers. The private<br />
firms that entered the telecommunications market in India concentrated<br />
their investment in urban areas, in many cases paying penalties to the<br />
state rather than rolling out expensive infrastructure in areas deemed