Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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72 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
In this last section we consider how the new institutional reality of<br />
the WTO in 1995 posed new challenges for national governments in<br />
the South. In order to follow these changes more carefully, the next<br />
section provides a brief overview of three relatively powerful emerging<br />
economies, <strong>and</strong> the shifting role of the nation-state as it liberalizes<br />
telecommunications policy, while facing pressures from both translational<br />
capital <strong>and</strong> multilateral policy convergence.<br />
Corporate discipline <strong>and</strong> unruly publics (1996–2005)<br />
Pressure from TNCs to play a bigger role in multilateral telecommunications<br />
reform was acute throughout the 1980s, but became formalized<br />
within the ITU in 1994. At this time, a ‘second tier of membership was<br />
created to facilitate greater participation of the private sector <strong>and</strong> NGOs’<br />
(Siochrú et al. 2002: 49). In reality, telecommunications companies have<br />
driven the policy agenda with minimal participation by NGOs, who have<br />
less power, fewer experts <strong>and</strong> access to the privately funded meetings<br />
that increasingly define policy goals. A recent study found that ‘more aid<br />
money now goes into creating governance regimes than to developing<br />
the communications networks <strong>and</strong> services that people will actually use’.<br />
This same study points out that within the ITU, the private sector has<br />
come to ‘out-number governments 450 to 187’ (Winsek 2002: 24–5).<br />
The pressure for reregulating telecommunications to reflect neoliberal<br />
trade norms is most apparent when we turn to the new multilateral<br />
institution of telecommunications governance: the WTO. The Uruguay<br />
Rounds of the GATT ended in 1994 with sixty nations committing to<br />
liberalization of value-added services – cellular phones, paging, privateleased<br />
networks etc. – but only eight willing to liberalize basic telecommunications<br />
<strong>and</strong> public-data networks (Siochrú et al. 2002: 57). It would<br />
take another three years of negotiations within the newly created WTO<br />
to establish the ABT, which would require all sixty-nine signatories to<br />
liberalize gradually their telecommunications service markets fully, as<br />
well as establish independent regulatory agencies similar in form to the<br />
US FCC. With US policy-makers <strong>and</strong> corporate lobbyists leading the<br />
push for liberalization in the WTO, it is not coincidental that the 1996<br />
Telecommunications Act commits to opening up competition in all markets<br />
in telecommunications services, thereby fundamentally altering the<br />
domestic legal framework that had guided universal telecommunications<br />
provision (Aufderheide 1999). The explicit commitment to liberalization<br />
in basic services, <strong>and</strong> the transformation of regulation as a ‘technical’<br />
function to ensure efficient operation of markets, is a drastic departure<br />
for most states in the South. The WTO agreement elevated the mode of