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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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72 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

In this last section we consider how the new institutional reality of<br />

the WTO in 1995 posed new challenges for national governments in<br />

the South. In order to follow these changes more carefully, the next<br />

section provides a brief overview of three relatively powerful emerging<br />

economies, <strong>and</strong> the shifting role of the nation-state as it liberalizes<br />

telecommunications policy, while facing pressures from both translational<br />

capital <strong>and</strong> multilateral policy convergence.<br />

Corporate discipline <strong>and</strong> unruly publics (1996–2005)<br />

Pressure from TNCs to play a bigger role in multilateral telecommunications<br />

reform was acute throughout the 1980s, but became formalized<br />

within the ITU in 1994. At this time, a ‘second tier of membership was<br />

created to facilitate greater participation of the private sector <strong>and</strong> NGOs’<br />

(Siochrú et al. 2002: 49). In reality, telecommunications companies have<br />

driven the policy agenda with minimal participation by NGOs, who have<br />

less power, fewer experts <strong>and</strong> access to the privately funded meetings<br />

that increasingly define policy goals. A recent study found that ‘more aid<br />

money now goes into creating governance regimes than to developing<br />

the communications networks <strong>and</strong> services that people will actually use’.<br />

This same study points out that within the ITU, the private sector has<br />

come to ‘out-number governments 450 to 187’ (Winsek 2002: 24–5).<br />

The pressure for reregulating telecommunications to reflect neoliberal<br />

trade norms is most apparent when we turn to the new multilateral<br />

institution of telecommunications governance: the WTO. The Uruguay<br />

Rounds of the GATT ended in 1994 with sixty nations committing to<br />

liberalization of value-added services – cellular phones, paging, privateleased<br />

networks etc. – but only eight willing to liberalize basic telecommunications<br />

<strong>and</strong> public-data networks (Siochrú et al. 2002: 57). It would<br />

take another three years of negotiations within the newly created WTO<br />

to establish the ABT, which would require all sixty-nine signatories to<br />

liberalize gradually their telecommunications service markets fully, as<br />

well as establish independent regulatory agencies similar in form to the<br />

US FCC. With US policy-makers <strong>and</strong> corporate lobbyists leading the<br />

push for liberalization in the WTO, it is not coincidental that the 1996<br />

Telecommunications Act commits to opening up competition in all markets<br />

in telecommunications services, thereby fundamentally altering the<br />

domestic legal framework that had guided universal telecommunications<br />

provision (Aufderheide 1999). The explicit commitment to liberalization<br />

in basic services, <strong>and</strong> the transformation of regulation as a ‘technical’<br />

function to ensure efficient operation of markets, is a drastic departure<br />

for most states in the South. The WTO agreement elevated the mode of

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