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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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56 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

research <strong>and</strong> development <strong>and</strong> ultimately privatizing the delivery of premium<br />

capacity networks for large users. In this way national governments<br />

delegate authority to private infrastructure <strong>and</strong> service providers, often<br />

through tax exemptions provided by the national <strong>and</strong>/or regional government<br />

to attract foreign investment within specific segmented markets.<br />

Graham <strong>and</strong> Marvin (2001) describe the logic of the glocalization of the<br />

segmented telecommunications sector:<br />

Multiple providers offer private fibre optic networks that are configured<br />

to bypass local networks <strong>and</strong> interconnect sites on global corporate<br />

networks seamlessly <strong>and</strong> reliably. These networks are highly selective;<br />

they tend to be limited to the top fifty business <strong>and</strong> finance cities<br />

<strong>and</strong> are configured to meet the needs of the largest corporate users. In<br />

specialist ‘back office zones’ in the Caribbean <strong>and</strong> Irel<strong>and</strong>, meanwhile,<br />

specialist telecommunications operators offer multiple networks to<br />

allow the insurance, retail <strong>and</strong> financial service sectors to export routine<br />

administrative functions from low-wage enclaves. In addition, a<br />

wide range of private Internet ‘pipes’ are being deployed to bypass the<br />

constraints of old Internet trunks so that content delivery networks<br />

can be operated which enable the high-speed delivery of media <strong>and</strong><br />

e-commerce services to selected affluent markets by the major media<br />

conglomerates. (2001: 172)<br />

This form of segmentation results from the ‘erosion’ of the universal<br />

service model resulting from the changes in the field of telecommunications<br />

policy governance at the national level. In tracing the history of<br />

telecommunications reform in Canada, Winseck (1995) has argued that<br />

beginning in the mid-1980s, the ‘means/end relation between competition<br />

<strong>and</strong> social policy changed. Competition became an end in itself,<br />

marking the transformation of regulation from social policy to industrial<br />

policy.’ Graham <strong>and</strong> Marvin (2001) argue that these transformations<br />

are part of an overall shift away from national ‘public works monopolies’<br />

within infrastructure industries – including water, energy <strong>and</strong> transportation<br />

– towards glocal premium networks creating a new form of<br />

‘splintering urbanism’. Critical urban studies scholars like Michael Peter<br />

Smith (1999) argue that these new inequalities that arise within major urban<br />

areas <strong>and</strong> across cities globally should be studied with an awareness<br />

of translocal networks that connect <strong>and</strong> marginalize communities across<br />

national boundaries.<br />

Throughout the 1990s, telecommunications <strong>and</strong> media conglomerates<br />

took unprecedented financial risks to build these translocal telecommunications<br />

networks. 2 Intense competition to buy licences to operate<br />

basic telephony in emerging markets, as well as massive investments in

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