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48 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION
of civil society organizations, in contrast with state bodies that are in
theory representative (Held and McDrew 2002). Moreover, the issue
of accountability has been central to critiques of the internationalization
of policy regimes, with those who advocate for the diminished
capacity of multilateral/supranational institutions versus those who
advocate greater accountability within the WTO, NAFTA, EU and
other bodies of supranational governance (Keohane 2002).
21. Nancy Fraser’s writing on ‘recognition’ versus ‘redistribution’ led
to an extensive debate within feminist political theory about the
relationship between democracy and difference. Feminist scholars
like Judith Butler and Iris Young who argued convincingly that
Fraser devalued the politics of ‘recognition’ met Fraser’s initial
conceptualization with intense criticism. Fraser’s more recent work
highlights the inter-related aspects of the two dimensions and the
hybridity of the categories such as gender and race that are equally
about redistributive and recognition claims. Feminists from the
postcolonial and ethnic studies traditions have also forwarded similar
arguments, in what is recognized as transational feminism in the
works of Chandra Mohanty (2003); Kaplan, Alarcon and Moallem
(eds)(1999). For an overview of this debate see interview with Nancy
Fraser by Nancy Naples ( Signs 2004; and Lisa McLaughlin 2004).
22. The discussion of the limits of ‘transcultural resonance’ in Keck
and Sikkink’s work is insightful but brief. The authors make it clear
that ‘sterile debates’ about power inequalities between the North
and South are less interesting than meaningful coordination of
campaigns. The major part of their book examines the means by
which effective networks of cross-national advocacy groups function.
Only in one of the subsections of the conclusion do they consider
what seems like a crucial concern for such cross-border activist
coalitions. See Keck and Sikkink 1998: 203–6.
23. When social scientists have traditionally considered culture as integral
to theories of the state, they have focused primarily on the unique
features of non-Western societies, in the Orientalist Weberian tradition
(Steinmetz 1999: 15–17). In line with contemporary critical
theorists of the state, here we are proposing embedding analysis of
the political economy of communication and media policy-making
in a cultural framework (Chakravartty and Zhao [eds] 2007).