Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

46 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION
of international development communication see: Hamelink 1994:
Chapter 7.
8. The power of transnational corporations to shape communication
policy was especially strong in the Caribbean and Latin America,
partially because of the US’ overwhelming influence in the region
economically and militarily (Martin-Berbero 1993). The experiences
of these nations in the 1960s would lead to the dependency movement
which itself spurred many of the first critiques of international
‘development’ within the field of communications (Mattelart 2002).
9. In Brazil, domestic private capital in the form of the Globo multimedia
group played a more direct role in shaping policy with the
backing of both the authoritarian Brazilian state in the 1970s and
1980s, and the US’ tacit support. In contrast in India, despite the
growing popularity of commercial television in the 1980s, the state
remained the dominant player in shaping broadcasting policy until
the 1990s with the unexpected entry of satellite television. For a
rich account of the institutional and cultural history of television in
India, see Rajagopal 2001.
10. Mattelart (2002) notes that between 1967 and 1972, the number of
countries governed by military chiefs of staff more than doubled.
In the US, technocratic development ‘experts’ like political scientist
Lucian Pye initiated a series of studies on the role of mass media in
ensuring national development through military administrations. In
this period, the US government actively promoted ‘nation-building’
whereby modernization and authoritarian rule went hand in hand in
Egypt, Indonesia, Brazil, Chile and Peru. See: 153–6.
11. Objectives of the NIEO included democratizing multilateral agencies
like the World Bank and the IMF, institutions that functioned primarily
in Third World nations with very minimal Third World participation
or management. Other objectives included opening northern
markets to southern exports, improving terms of trade for agricultural
and mining exports, establishing codes for technological transfers,
and codes of conduct for multinational corporations (See Mattelart
2002: 180; and McMichael 2003: 120–1). While the NIEO was radical
in its calls for redistribution at the international level, it was silent on
internal inequalities, including gender inequalities (Kabeer 2003: 71).
12. The NWICO debates as well as the politics of conducting research
for and publishing the MacBride Commission Report have been
analyzed by several researchers involved in the UNESCO process.
For more see: Hamelink 1994; Braman 1991, 1999; Servaes 1999;
and Nordenstrang 1984.
13. It was only once the debt crisis was officially diagnosed by the
World Bank and the IMF – institutions that had been centrally