Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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40 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
despite the expansive internationalization of policy practice that Habermas<br />
<strong>and</strong> Held argue for cosmopolitan democracy in a ‘postnational’ political<br />
world where transnational networks of communication, NGOs <strong>and</strong><br />
popular political movements form the basis for global sovereignty <strong>and</strong><br />
citizenship (Habermas 2001; Held 2004).<br />
A wide range of oppositional movements has responded to the dislocating<br />
effects of globalization that has not simply challenged, but actually<br />
transformed the course of global integration, raising fundamental questions<br />
about the legitimacy of the mechanisms of global governance. In<br />
1998, Joseph Stiglitz, then Senior Vice President <strong>and</strong> Chief Economist<br />
for the World Bank, acknowledging the power of this response, spoke of<br />
a ‘Post-Washington Consensus’ signalling the end of an era of blind faith<br />
in markets <strong>and</strong> US dominance in promoting neoliberal trade . While far<br />
from radical in his prescriptions for reform, it is instructive to consider<br />
the following principles of the new consensus that Stiglitz outlined:<br />
One principle of these emerging ideas is that whatever the new consensus<br />
is, it cannot be based on Washington. In order for policies to be<br />
sustainable, they must receive ownership by developing countries. It<br />
is relatively easier to monitor <strong>and</strong> set conditions for inflation rates <strong>and</strong><br />
current account balances. Doing the same for financial sector regulation<br />
or competition policy is neither feasible nor desirable. The second<br />
principle of the emerging consensus is a greater degree of humility, the<br />
frank acknowledgment that we do not have all of the answers. (Stiglitz<br />
1998)<br />
Stiglitz’s comments preceded the mass mobilization against the WTO in<br />
Seattle in 1999, <strong>and</strong> the subsequent protests at global summits <strong>and</strong> trade<br />
talks that along with the creation of the World Social Forum in Porto<br />
Alegre, Brazil, in 2001, became recognized as part of an organized global<br />
justice movement directly challenging the legitimacy of the neoliberal<br />
trade paradigm. These comments were instead responding to both the<br />
rapid expansion of new economic powers like China, Brazil, India <strong>and</strong><br />
Russia as well as to the financial crises, social <strong>and</strong> economic dislocation<br />
<strong>and</strong> mass mobilization against the violence of structural adjustment <strong>and</strong><br />
trade ‘harmonization’ across Africa, Asia <strong>and</strong> Latin America since the<br />
1980s.<br />
The faltering legitimacy of neoliberalism has many manifestations relevant<br />
for scholars critical of global communication <strong>and</strong> media policy.<br />
On the one h<strong>and</strong>, the rise of religious fundamentalisms <strong>and</strong> xenophobic<br />
nationalisms in both the North <strong>and</strong> South mobilizes support around arguments<br />
for cultural integrity or purity in response to foreign or ‘alien’<br />
cultural influences. It becomes vital in this context to consider how the