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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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34 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

<strong>and</strong> enforcing development policy, including communication <strong>and</strong> media<br />

policy in both the Second <strong>and</strong> Third Worlds. In practice this has<br />

meant the push to liberalize, deregulate <strong>and</strong> privatize domestic communication<br />

<strong>and</strong> media industries. McMichael (2003) argues that the<br />

debt crisis consolidated two trends that were already in place in the<br />

1970s: First, the crisis caused ‘the undoing of the Third World as a<br />

collective entity’ based on the distinct trajectories of the rapidly exp<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

economies of the Asian Tigers or Newly Industrialized Countries<br />

(NICs) 15 in contrast to the debt-ridden nations in need of ‘restructuring’;<br />

Second, these events legitimated global governance by the<br />

World Bank <strong>and</strong> IMF who took charge of evaluating the well-being of<br />

national economies based on whether or not they followed the principles<br />

of structural adjustment which included undoing expensive social<br />

programmes for health <strong>and</strong> education, removing barriers to investment<br />

<strong>and</strong> trade, devaluing national currencies <strong>and</strong> promoting export-led<br />

development. 16<br />

With the end of the Cold War in clear sight, the US <strong>and</strong> its allies quickly<br />

shifted the locus of international policy debates from the wider ‘politicized’<br />

fora like UNESCO to narrow technical venues where First World<br />

nations held more clout <strong>and</strong> Transnational Corporations had access to<br />

manoeuvring favourable policy outcomes. In terms of the specifics of the<br />

NWICO debate, the US <strong>and</strong> its allies shifted the discourse of information<br />

inequality <strong>and</strong> cultural sovereignty to creating requisite regulatory<br />

conditions for an ‘information society’ in the ITU <strong>and</strong> the World Intellectual<br />

Property Organization (Kleinwächter 2004a). A much more<br />

significant shift in venue would take place in the Uruguay Rounds of the<br />

GATT. The GATT was established in 1947 through pressure from the<br />

US, <strong>and</strong> had grown from an organization of 23 members in 1947 to 128<br />

members in 1984 (Siochrú et al. 2002: 54). The purpose of the GATT<br />

was to remove tariffs <strong>and</strong> promote trade – mostly focusing on manufactured<br />

goods until the 1980s. The Uruguay Rounds, which began in<br />

1986, significantly broadened the scope of the GATT to include trade in<br />

‘services’ where ‘developed’ nations had an obvious initial comparative<br />

advantage in selling the hardware <strong>and</strong> software necessary for entry into<br />

the information economy including telecommunications equipment <strong>and</strong><br />

services, television <strong>and</strong> film products, advertising <strong>and</strong> marketing services,<br />

<strong>and</strong> networking <strong>and</strong> database services.<br />

In addition to broadening its scope to include agriculture <strong>and</strong> passing<br />

the controversial General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS),<br />

the eight years of negotiation that made up the Uruguay Rounds also<br />

created a new set of binding rules for member states based on liberalizing<br />

investment (Trade-Related Aspect of Investment Measures, TRIMS) <strong>and</strong>

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