Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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THE HISTORY OF GLOBAL COMMUNICATION AND MEDIA POLICY 33<br />
Neoliberalism, post-Fordism <strong>and</strong> the deterritorialized<br />
information economy<br />
During the second half of the twentieth century, economics established<br />
its claim to be the true political science. The idea of ‘the economy’<br />
provided a mode of seeing <strong>and</strong> a way of organizing the world that<br />
could diagnose a country’s fundamental condition, frame the terms of<br />
its public debate, picture its collective growth or decline, <strong>and</strong> propose<br />
remedies for its improvement, all in terms of what seemed a legible series<br />
of measurements, goals, <strong>and</strong> comparisons. In the closing decade of<br />
the century, after the collapse of state socialism in the Soviet Union <strong>and</strong><br />
Eastern Europe, the authority of economic science seemed stronger<br />
than ever. Employing the language <strong>and</strong> authority of neoclassical economics,<br />
the programs of economic reform <strong>and</strong> structural adjustment<br />
advocated in Washington by the International Monetary Fund, the<br />
World Bank, <strong>and</strong> the United States government could judge the condition<br />
of a nation <strong>and</strong> its collective well-being by simply measuring its<br />
monetary <strong>and</strong> fiscal balances. (Mitchell 2002: 272)<br />
Many of the national leaders arguing for Third World solidarity <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
sovereignty on the UNESCO stage were simultaneously opening<br />
their arms to accept unprecedented levels of foreign private bank loans<br />
thanks to the newly deregulated financial markets in the early 1970s. The<br />
beneficiaries of these loans included ruthless autocrats like Zaire’s Sésé<br />
Seko Mobutu, the Philippines’ Ferdin<strong>and</strong> Marcos, Indonesia’s General<br />
Suharto, Chile’s Augusto Pinochet <strong>and</strong> Iraq’s Saddam Hussein. 13 The<br />
Bretton Woods institutions of the World Bank <strong>and</strong> IMF encouraged<br />
large-scale borrowing in this period, ostensibly to spur national development,<br />
including infrastructural development in telecommunications <strong>and</strong><br />
broadcasting. It was also between 1973 <strong>and</strong> 1975 that the Group of Seven<br />
(G7) states formed an official alliance of ‘developed’ nations, whereby the<br />
finance ministers of the US, the UK, France, West Germany, Japan, Italy<br />
<strong>and</strong> Canada met regularly to coordinate economic development strategies<br />
<strong>and</strong> ‘crisis management’ in response to the increased financial liberalization<br />
unleashed on the world market (McMichael 2003: 121–2). 14<br />
By the early 1980s, a deep recession in Western economies <strong>and</strong> a monetarist<br />
turn in economic policy meant that credit was suddenly in short<br />
supply. By 1986, Third World public debt was at $1 trillion, <strong>and</strong> with<br />
interest rates suddenly soaring these nations were held in a kind of debt<br />
bondage having to pay back these loans at whatever cost (George 1992).<br />
It is at this point that the World Bank <strong>and</strong> IMF become central institutional<br />
actors involved in not merely guiding, but actually designing