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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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THE HISTORY OF GLOBAL COMMUNICATION AND MEDIA POLICY 31<br />

structural dependency of Third World nations on First World powers.<br />

Drawing from dependency theory – a critical school of thought based<br />

on the Latin American experience of underdevelopment – intellectuals<br />

<strong>and</strong> policy-makers within the non-aligned nations challenged the assumptions<br />

about the universality of the development paradigm <strong>and</strong> set<br />

out to reverse the neocolonial rules governing aid <strong>and</strong> the terms of<br />

trade. 11<br />

International communication policy became an area of interest for<br />

national leaders, who saw ‘decolonizing information’ <strong>and</strong> reversing ‘cultural<br />

imperialism’ as vital to the New Economic Order, in the light of<br />

growing US corporate domination of news <strong>and</strong> cultural flows at the expense<br />

of mass media produced in the Third World (Nordenstreng 1984).<br />

Throughout the 1970s, debates within UNESCO criticized the US vision<br />

of a ‘free flow of information’ as opposed to the ‘quantitative imbalance’<br />

in news <strong>and</strong> information flow across media, the gaping lack of<br />

information exchange between Third World nations <strong>and</strong> the social <strong>and</strong><br />

cultural costs of ‘alienating cultural influences’ of commercially based<br />

media (Gross <strong>and</strong> Costanza-Chock 2004: 24–6). The idea of a New International<br />

Information Order (later becoming the NWICO) was laid<br />

out in 1976 in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Initially, the call for NWICO criticized<br />

the five major news agencies that dominated international news<br />

flows. An immediate outcome of this critique was the creation of the<br />

News Agency Pool, which aimed to create an alternate news distribution<br />

system within the Third World. Criticisms initially raised by radical<br />

Latin American scholars against US commercial media imperialism were<br />

echoed <strong>and</strong> reinterpreted by national leaders across both the North–<br />

South as well as East–West axes of tension: ‘The East ably succeeded in<br />

fusing its position on the possibility <strong>and</strong> thus the intervention of the state<br />

in defense of national sovereignty with that of countries of the Third<br />

World fighting for their cultural self-determination’ (Mattelart 2002:<br />

181). In the end, the MacBride Commission Report, published in 1980,<br />

after several years of heated international deliberation, raised important<br />

questions about global information inequality, media concentration <strong>and</strong><br />

national cultural determination, marking a significant departure for UN-<br />

ESCO. However, the final outcome was a source of frustration for most<br />

of its supporters, many of whom felt that the MacBride Report presented<br />

a contradictory <strong>and</strong> inherently impractical set of prescriptions for policy<br />

reform. 12<br />

The muddled prescriptions of the MacBride Report <strong>and</strong> the failures of<br />

the NWICO debates to radically alter the course of international communication<br />

<strong>and</strong> media policy has been rightly blamed on the overwhelming<br />

political economic power of the US media industry to launch an

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