Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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28 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
the differences in the parameters <strong>and</strong> distributive consequences of public<br />
welfare <strong>and</strong> public interest between Western European, Canadian <strong>and</strong><br />
Australian corporatist modes of governance in contrast to the US model<br />
of corporate liberalism (Calabrese 1999: 275; Garnham 1990; Horwitz<br />
1989; Mansell 1994; Streeter 1996; Winseck 2002).<br />
The Fordist era of national integration <strong>and</strong> economic expansion produced<br />
a very specific underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the state within the international<br />
state system. Fundamental to the formation of the rules of international<br />
governance was the assumption that ‘all states in principle are, or will<br />
become, similar, or at least mutually intelligible, in their structures <strong>and</strong><br />
in the rationalities governing their actions’ (Hansen <strong>and</strong> Stepputat 2001:<br />
10). Political elites from across the postcolonial world were eager to embrace<br />
this underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the state as the central institutional actor<br />
capable of delivering national development, whether these states chose<br />
central planning, a mixed model of national private industry <strong>and</strong> state<br />
participation, or early forms of export-led expansion. Third World political<br />
elites embarked on the project of development, attempting to move<br />
forward <strong>and</strong> shed the ‘flawed’ characteristics of pre-modern institutions<br />
(Huntington 1968). The state itself was understood as the ‘modern sector’<br />
to be supported by multilateral agencies, foreign governments <strong>and</strong><br />
donors with little reflection upon the fact that these were inherited colonial<br />
institutions designed to control as opposed to serve the ‘native’ populations.<br />
Mahmood Mamdani (1996) has shown how newly independent<br />
African nation-states, diagnosed by development experts as ‘weak states’,<br />
were barely dismantled versions of colonial administrations, which had<br />
been purposely centralized, without independent judiciaries <strong>and</strong> meant<br />
to be oppressive towards the colonial subject population. Instead of addressing<br />
the roots of these institutional imbalances, or questioning how<br />
colonialism led to ‘underdevelopment’ (Golding 1974; Schiller 1992), social<br />
scientists based in the US took the lead through UN agencies to resolve<br />
the problem of development through new technologies of progress,<br />
including communication <strong>and</strong> the mass media.<br />
In 1958, Daniel Lerner’s The Passing of Traditional Society consolidated<br />
<strong>and</strong> made explicit the prescriptive link between exposure to commercial<br />
mass media <strong>and</strong> the requisite social <strong>and</strong> psychic preconditions – the<br />
revolution in rising expectations – that would propel a linear mode of<br />
development. Sociologists like Lerner, <strong>and</strong> eventually scholars of the<br />
emerging discipline of international communication, identified a series of<br />
non-economic ‘agents of development’ – urbanization, literacy, exposure<br />
to the media – that would serve the dual purpose of erasing the negative<br />
effects of ‘traditional values’ while creating the conditions for modern<br />
market subjects who would be equally at ease as citizen <strong>and</strong> consumer. 6