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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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THE HISTORY OF GLOBAL COMMUNICATION AND MEDIA POLICY 27<br />

framework for the terms of domestic ‘development’. By the 1960s, the<br />

Cold War was explicitly forcing national political elites in the Third<br />

World to choose sides, <strong>and</strong> multilateral bodies such as UNESCO, the<br />

World Bank <strong>and</strong> the IMF began to focus on communication, promoting<br />

modernization <strong>and</strong> Westernization based on the already ‘developed’ experiences<br />

of Western Europe <strong>and</strong> the US (Lerner 1958; Schramm 1964;<br />

Tunstall 1977).<br />

In the First World, the rise of the Fordist welfare state meant greater<br />

state intervention in markets <strong>and</strong> welfare provisions, <strong>and</strong> a discourse of<br />

discrete national economies as the object of national government regulation.<br />

Fordism was characterized by a correlation between the geography<br />

of economic regulation <strong>and</strong> the nation-state that legitimated the ‘central<br />

state’s claim to be the penultimate source of power’ (Steinmetz 1999:<br />

34). In terms of communication policy, the Fordist mode of regulation<br />

reinforced a sense of national cohesion, as Graham <strong>and</strong> Marvin (2001)<br />

write:<br />

Strategies such as the New Deal initiative in the United States, which<br />

did much to support the extension towards national phone, electricity<br />

<strong>and</strong> highway grids, sought to use integrated public works programmes<br />

to ‘bind’ cities, regions <strong>and</strong> the nation whilst bringing social<br />

‘harmony’, utilizing new technologies <strong>and</strong> also creating much needed<br />

employment ...Taking control over the supply of networked infrastructure<br />

supplies to production, the territorial roll-out of networks<br />

over space, <strong>and</strong> the application of new services to modern consumption,<br />

were therefore essential components of the growth of the modern<br />

nation-state itself. (74)<br />

Mattelart (2002) has shown how the US took the lead in developing<br />

‘strategies for organizing mass consumption’, not as a result of technological<br />

advancement, ‘but rather because the media had, throughout this<br />

whole period, become the very cornerstone of a project of national integration’<br />

(71). State ownership of broadcasting <strong>and</strong> telecommunications<br />

industries as practised in Western Europe, Canada <strong>and</strong> Australia <strong>and</strong><br />

state regulation of private monopolies in broadcasting <strong>and</strong> telecommunications<br />

industries as practised in the US, created the terms of a ‘Fordist<br />

class compromise’ of guaranteed employment for a highly unionized but<br />

stable workforce. A gendered division of labour in terms of both production<br />

<strong>and</strong> consumption complemented this era of mass production. For<br />

instance, through the growing reach of network television, advertising<br />

targeted white middle-class ‘housewives’ who were schooled in the practice<br />

of mass consumption. 5 Scholars have compared national experiences<br />

in communication <strong>and</strong> policy-making in the Fordist era, often assessing

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