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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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STUDY OF COMMUNICATIONS AND MEDIA POLICY 15<br />

Much as the technologies before the computer, mobile phone or wireless<br />

were, this utopian or idealist vision of technological change is based<br />

on two central arguments. First, that technological innovation is increasingly<br />

important in shaping changes in society <strong>and</strong> second that these new<br />

technological innovations are autonomous from political <strong>and</strong> economic<br />

processes. Thus technological ‘revolutions’ in telecommunications networks<br />

<strong>and</strong> computer technologies are seen to have an inherent <strong>and</strong> singular<br />

trajectory of development that will lead to superior social outcomes<br />

improving everyday life for all, if left to competitive market forces. The<br />

integrated intelligent network is seen as the new basis for the reorganization<br />

of education, work, entertainment <strong>and</strong> all other forms of social<br />

interaction, a basis that is both decentralized <strong>and</strong> connected. The operators<br />

of telecommunications networks <strong>and</strong> services are assumed to be fully<br />

accountable to the customer, whereby inefficient or overpriced services<br />

are checked through competition in the marketplace. In this context,<br />

the need for policy intervention <strong>and</strong> regulation is minimal, except for<br />

the technical arbitration over rates <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ards. Similar assumptions<br />

are presented as facts in the broadcasting world: here speedy adaptation<br />

of technology <strong>and</strong> consumer sovereignty have dominated the discourses<br />

surrounding the liberalization (from the state) of the airwaves <strong>and</strong> their<br />

privatization.<br />

In contrast to the naturalized assumptions about the logic of the market<br />

in the dominant approach to tele/communications policy, neo-Marxist<br />

critics contend that political <strong>and</strong> economic interests shape the application<br />

<strong>and</strong> development of tele/communications networks, content <strong>and</strong><br />

services (Hills 1998; Schiller 2000). Specifically, these critical scholars,<br />

who are sometimes viewed as ‘dystopian’ (Graham <strong>and</strong> Marvin 2001),<br />

argue that technological development is an outcome of social power <strong>and</strong><br />

cannot therefore be a neutral force in shaping social change. While the<br />

technologically centred analysis considers innovation <strong>and</strong> competition as<br />

sufficient in eroding monopolistic control delivering the consumer freedom<br />

to choose from a range of services, this approach focuses on the<br />

importance of communications <strong>and</strong> in particular telcoms to the very process<br />

of global economic restructuring, on the uneven development <strong>and</strong><br />

expansion of new communications networks <strong>and</strong> services <strong>and</strong> the ramifications<br />

of transforming a regulatory model that is organized around<br />

consumers as opposed to citizens (Harvey 1989; Mosco 2004).<br />

Moreover, the merger of traditional telecommunications companies<br />

with producers of content further reinforces concentration as opposed to<br />

competition in overall services, raising new concerns about proprietary<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>and</strong> intellectual property. Neo-Marxist analysts have argued<br />

that the centrality of TNCs in shaping the terms of expansion to fit their

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