Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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12 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
to address the reinforcement <strong>and</strong> reproduction of power structures that<br />
maintain sexism <strong>and</strong> racism through the gendered logic of communication<br />
<strong>and</strong> cultural policy. For these scholars, the role of the state is explored<br />
in its contradictory position to facilitate remedies against discrimination,<br />
on the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> also to continue <strong>and</strong> exacerbate symbolic <strong>and</strong> structural<br />
inequalities on the other (Beale 1999; McLaughlin 2004; Meehan<br />
<strong>and</strong> Riordan 2001). Nowhere is this more visible in the field of communication<br />
<strong>and</strong> media policy than in the very technologies that have been<br />
heralded as the panacea of all ills <strong>and</strong> have been identified as the core<br />
defining factors of policy development.<br />
The cultural ingredients in the making of myths: technology<br />
From advertising to trade shows, from demonstration projects to conferences,<br />
there is a widespread effort to market the magic, to surround<br />
computer communication with power, speed, <strong>and</strong> the promise of freedom.<br />
There is nothing new here. Students of the history of technology<br />
will recall similar attempts to make electricity a spectacle by lighting<br />
up streets <strong>and</strong> buildings in the downtowns of many cities <strong>and</strong> towns,<br />
turning them into miniature versions of New York’s Great White Way.<br />
(Mosco 2004: 45–6)<br />
Technological advances have repeatedly been seen as catalysts for social<br />
change – communications technology in particular. Techno-capitalist <strong>and</strong><br />
organizational prophets from academia, government bodies, think-tanks<br />
<strong>and</strong> private industry have sanctified the existence <strong>and</strong> importance of what<br />
we today call the ‘information society’. Each group has produced its own<br />
(predominantly White, <strong>and</strong> occasionally Asian, male) guru to bring the<br />
message of technocracy to their respective audiences. The cooperation<br />
of university research with the state <strong>and</strong> the private sector reshapes public<br />
policy discourse to focus almost exclusively on priorities defined by<br />
concerns about market expansion. The IT <strong>and</strong> telecommunications industries,<br />
often amalgamated in one mega industrial complex, exp<strong>and</strong> their<br />
reign over more traditional cultural economies <strong>and</strong> are integral gatekeepers<br />
in the organization of the Information Society. Gates, Gore <strong>and</strong> Negroponte<br />
were the early (white, male) gurus of an information age that is<br />
based on a virtual reorganization of the ‘atom’ economy. All three of them<br />
helped to define the terms of reference of techno- or informational capitalism<br />
through their positions in their respective constituencies, in the<br />
world of business, politics, research <strong>and</strong> publication. Bill Gates’s Business<br />
@ the Speed of Thought (2004), Al Gore’s National Information Infrastructure<br />
(1993) <strong>and</strong> Nicholas Negroponte’s Being Digital (1995) <strong>and</strong> WiReD