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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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12 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

to address the reinforcement <strong>and</strong> reproduction of power structures that<br />

maintain sexism <strong>and</strong> racism through the gendered logic of communication<br />

<strong>and</strong> cultural policy. For these scholars, the role of the state is explored<br />

in its contradictory position to facilitate remedies against discrimination,<br />

on the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> also to continue <strong>and</strong> exacerbate symbolic <strong>and</strong> structural<br />

inequalities on the other (Beale 1999; McLaughlin 2004; Meehan<br />

<strong>and</strong> Riordan 2001). Nowhere is this more visible in the field of communication<br />

<strong>and</strong> media policy than in the very technologies that have been<br />

heralded as the panacea of all ills <strong>and</strong> have been identified as the core<br />

defining factors of policy development.<br />

The cultural ingredients in the making of myths: technology<br />

From advertising to trade shows, from demonstration projects to conferences,<br />

there is a widespread effort to market the magic, to surround<br />

computer communication with power, speed, <strong>and</strong> the promise of freedom.<br />

There is nothing new here. Students of the history of technology<br />

will recall similar attempts to make electricity a spectacle by lighting<br />

up streets <strong>and</strong> buildings in the downtowns of many cities <strong>and</strong> towns,<br />

turning them into miniature versions of New York’s Great White Way.<br />

(Mosco 2004: 45–6)<br />

Technological advances have repeatedly been seen as catalysts for social<br />

change – communications technology in particular. Techno-capitalist <strong>and</strong><br />

organizational prophets from academia, government bodies, think-tanks<br />

<strong>and</strong> private industry have sanctified the existence <strong>and</strong> importance of what<br />

we today call the ‘information society’. Each group has produced its own<br />

(predominantly White, <strong>and</strong> occasionally Asian, male) guru to bring the<br />

message of technocracy to their respective audiences. The cooperation<br />

of university research with the state <strong>and</strong> the private sector reshapes public<br />

policy discourse to focus almost exclusively on priorities defined by<br />

concerns about market expansion. The IT <strong>and</strong> telecommunications industries,<br />

often amalgamated in one mega industrial complex, exp<strong>and</strong> their<br />

reign over more traditional cultural economies <strong>and</strong> are integral gatekeepers<br />

in the organization of the Information Society. Gates, Gore <strong>and</strong> Negroponte<br />

were the early (white, male) gurus of an information age that is<br />

based on a virtual reorganization of the ‘atom’ economy. All three of them<br />

helped to define the terms of reference of techno- or informational capitalism<br />

through their positions in their respective constituencies, in the<br />

world of business, politics, research <strong>and</strong> publication. Bill Gates’s Business<br />

@ the Speed of Thought (2004), Al Gore’s National Information Infrastructure<br />

(1993) <strong>and</strong> Nicholas Negroponte’s Being Digital (1995) <strong>and</strong> WiReD

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