Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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10 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
The dynamics of international trade <strong>and</strong> the dialectics of market <strong>and</strong><br />
state cannot be excluded from the study of communications policy. In<br />
the following chapters we make sense of globalization by following the<br />
evolving relationship between the mode of accumulation <strong>and</strong> the mode of<br />
regulation, ‘the ensemble of rules, norms, conventions, patterns of conduct,<br />
social networks, organizational forms <strong>and</strong> institutions which can<br />
stabilize an accumulation regime’ (Jessop 1997: 291). The role of the<br />
nation-state has been transformed. But it is not necessarily diminished<br />
in the face of globalization. Gordon argues that state policies have actually<br />
become ‘increasingly decisive on the institutional fronts, not more<br />
futile’ (1994: 301). Mistral before him, also from the French Régulation<br />
School, argues that the forms of international régulation do not suppress<br />
national differences in the form of internal policy <strong>and</strong> regulation but<br />
reduce divergences (Robles 1994).<br />
So, is globalization a state of affairs, a fixed process of international<br />
entropy, a highly specific <strong>and</strong> catholic-experienced condition? Does it<br />
mean the end of history <strong>and</strong> therefore of the political? Our discussion on<br />
the role of the state <strong>and</strong> the international trade <strong>and</strong> policy regimes shows<br />
that, if anything, this is a period when different levels of globalization<br />
exist simultaneously according to conditions <strong>and</strong> context, whereby different<br />
faces of capitalism are experienced across the world. The relations<br />
between capital <strong>and</strong> labour <strong>and</strong> their relation to culture <strong>and</strong> state are<br />
experienced through the filters <strong>and</strong> conditions of class, but also gender,<br />
race, nationality <strong>and</strong> religious difference. These mediating factors matter<br />
in the ‘configuration of political struggle’ <strong>and</strong> to the social regime of<br />
accumulation (Albelda <strong>and</strong> Tilly 1994: 228).<br />
Beyond establishing the importance of historical specificity lies for us<br />
the larger conceptual goal of examining the symbolic as well as material<br />
dimension of state power in shaping public policy. While there is a range<br />
of perspectives on the cultural analyses of the state, it is helpful to consider<br />
the work of French Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu exp<strong>and</strong>s<br />
on Max Weber’s famous formula that the state ‘successfully claims the<br />
monopoly of the legitimate use of physical <strong>and</strong> symbolic violence over a<br />
definite territory <strong>and</strong> over the totality of the corresponding population’<br />
(1999: 56). For our purposes, in addition to the role <strong>and</strong> character of<br />
the state as a ‘regulator’ <strong>and</strong> part of a ‘steering’ action for international<br />
trade transactions, we draw from Bourdieu’s underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the state<br />
as a ‘bank of symbolic capital’ (1999: 66) <strong>and</strong> access to capital étatique<br />
(state capital) as a ‘(meta)authority to validate or invalidate other forms<br />
of authority, that is, to have the last word in a territory, to have the last<br />
judgment’ (Hansen <strong>and</strong> Stepputat 2001: 6).