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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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10 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

The dynamics of international trade <strong>and</strong> the dialectics of market <strong>and</strong><br />

state cannot be excluded from the study of communications policy. In<br />

the following chapters we make sense of globalization by following the<br />

evolving relationship between the mode of accumulation <strong>and</strong> the mode of<br />

regulation, ‘the ensemble of rules, norms, conventions, patterns of conduct,<br />

social networks, organizational forms <strong>and</strong> institutions which can<br />

stabilize an accumulation regime’ (Jessop 1997: 291). The role of the<br />

nation-state has been transformed. But it is not necessarily diminished<br />

in the face of globalization. Gordon argues that state policies have actually<br />

become ‘increasingly decisive on the institutional fronts, not more<br />

futile’ (1994: 301). Mistral before him, also from the French Régulation<br />

School, argues that the forms of international régulation do not suppress<br />

national differences in the form of internal policy <strong>and</strong> regulation but<br />

reduce divergences (Robles 1994).<br />

So, is globalization a state of affairs, a fixed process of international<br />

entropy, a highly specific <strong>and</strong> catholic-experienced condition? Does it<br />

mean the end of history <strong>and</strong> therefore of the political? Our discussion on<br />

the role of the state <strong>and</strong> the international trade <strong>and</strong> policy regimes shows<br />

that, if anything, this is a period when different levels of globalization<br />

exist simultaneously according to conditions <strong>and</strong> context, whereby different<br />

faces of capitalism are experienced across the world. The relations<br />

between capital <strong>and</strong> labour <strong>and</strong> their relation to culture <strong>and</strong> state are<br />

experienced through the filters <strong>and</strong> conditions of class, but also gender,<br />

race, nationality <strong>and</strong> religious difference. These mediating factors matter<br />

in the ‘configuration of political struggle’ <strong>and</strong> to the social regime of<br />

accumulation (Albelda <strong>and</strong> Tilly 1994: 228).<br />

Beyond establishing the importance of historical specificity lies for us<br />

the larger conceptual goal of examining the symbolic as well as material<br />

dimension of state power in shaping public policy. While there is a range<br />

of perspectives on the cultural analyses of the state, it is helpful to consider<br />

the work of French Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu exp<strong>and</strong>s<br />

on Max Weber’s famous formula that the state ‘successfully claims the<br />

monopoly of the legitimate use of physical <strong>and</strong> symbolic violence over a<br />

definite territory <strong>and</strong> over the totality of the corresponding population’<br />

(1999: 56). For our purposes, in addition to the role <strong>and</strong> character of<br />

the state as a ‘regulator’ <strong>and</strong> part of a ‘steering’ action for international<br />

trade transactions, we draw from Bourdieu’s underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the state<br />

as a ‘bank of symbolic capital’ (1999: 66) <strong>and</strong> access to capital étatique<br />

(state capital) as a ‘(meta)authority to validate or invalidate other forms<br />

of authority, that is, to have the last word in a territory, to have the last<br />

judgment’ (Hansen <strong>and</strong> Stepputat 2001: 6).

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