Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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174 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
Claims for fair redistribution, recognition <strong>and</strong> representation have<br />
been present within the very heart of Western capitalism, countries in<br />
the EU <strong>and</strong> the social margins of North America. The questions most<br />
posed – <strong>and</strong> not always heard – revolve around the quest for cultural space<br />
<strong>and</strong> recognition of difference, equity <strong>and</strong> social justice, as found (or not)<br />
in the policies regulating the political economy of cultural industries <strong>and</strong>,<br />
in particular, broadcasting. Our discussion of the public service model of<br />
regulation in the context of the EU <strong>and</strong> Canada showed that pressures of<br />
global market integration together with pressures exercised by national<br />
capital are diminishing the capacity of national PSBs to serve public interest<br />
objectives, just as a broader constituency of publics make claims<br />
on these state institutions. The case of broadcasting policy-makes clear<br />
the widening gap in the post-Fordist context between national interest<br />
<strong>and</strong> public interest. The transnational reach <strong>and</strong> regional <strong>and</strong> translocal<br />
appeal of broadcast media require new sets of questions about the<br />
relationship between state institutions <strong>and</strong> public interest. The shifting<br />
discourse of public interest in the case of broadcasting policy in the EU<br />
is not simply a story of the growing influence of private capital over state<br />
bodies, but also the reality of redistributive intervention at the supranational<br />
level, sometimes failing to gain national attention <strong>and</strong> legitimacy,<br />
often being absent from international negotiations about the future of<br />
communication. Our discussion shows that in the cases where public representation<br />
becomes a recognized part of the institutional arrangement of<br />
transnational <strong>and</strong> supranational relations (as in the form of the European<br />
Parliament) the inclusion of a public interest focused agenda is possible.<br />
This political inclusion should be understood as a necessary element of<br />
democratic deliberation at a supranational level. It should not be considered<br />
though as the ultimate, adequate <strong>and</strong> sufficient, form of citizen<br />
involvement, but rather as one of the additional spaces where civil society<br />
can put forth claims for redistributive justice <strong>and</strong> recognition of agency.<br />
Chapters 4 <strong>and</strong> 6 both explore the involvement of the ‘public’ in shaping<br />
communication policy agendas: in the EU case, the representational character<br />
of the European Parliament lends the EU communication policies<br />
legitimacy. In the global arena, as we see in the case of the WSIS, the inclusion<br />
of civil society fulfils this function. The quality of this involvement –<br />
both in terms of institutionalized political representation <strong>and</strong> in terms of<br />
inclusion of a loose organization of civil society actors in the process of<br />
policy-making – has been studied only recently. More empirical research<br />
is needed to provide sets of longitudinal data <strong>and</strong> the qualitative information<br />
needed to assess <strong>and</strong> evaluate the conditions under which framing,<br />
representing <strong>and</strong> advocating policy change corresponds to fluctuations<br />
of power within the institutional framework of regional constellations of