Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
CONCLUSION 173 the experiences of the South, we explored common features of the ways in which postcolonial states negotiated the terms of telecommunications policy. The cases of Brazil, China and India are of importance partially because of their relative economic power as emerging economies and because of the support and opposition by multiple publics about the cost of rapid global integration. We saw that novel forms of policy intervention and contestation are at play in both the area of access to telecommunications infrastructure and in the related area of access to content. Public discontent over corruption linked to the neoliberal development agenda is apparent in demands for accountability from state bodies involved in telecommunications reform as well as transnational and local capital. In all three cases, the state continues to play a central role in mediating redistributive concerns – at times articulated through a nationalist discourse against the growing influence of multilateral institutions, dominant Northern nation-states and TNCs. We have also seen new forms of South–South alliance emerge both contesting the dominant rules of trade in the WTO and establishing a development agenda within WIPO. Similarly, we have seen the emergence of competing alliances and formations such as the India–Brazil–South Africa (IBSA) trilateral initiative and other efforts among Southern nations, in collaborating on a ‘social agenda’ in trade and technology-related areas. These efforts should not be seen as a panacea to the limits of the neoliberal regulatory regime, but deserve greater research and inquiry. In this spirit, researchers and activists have turned their attention to the Brazilian example in taking the lead through its ‘digital inclusion’ policies with its state-sponsored initiatives in using and promoting open-source software and how this model may be replicated by states across the North–South divide (Gil 2005). In the specific area of telecommunications reform, the gaps between the information ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ were not expressed solely in terms of class, but also through urban versus rural divides, gender disparities, caste, race and regional distinctions. Consequently, demands for access bring together ‘unpredictable’ combinations of social actors. It is in this context, that greater attention must be paid to the institutional and cultural logics of emerging information societies of the South. We feel that there is a pressing need for transolocal and transnational comparative as well as ethnographic research that connects the everyday experience of citizens having access to and being excluded by (tele)communications and ICT services, that can offer new insights into the role institutional actors including state bureaucracies, private firms and civil society across the world. Detailed, process-tracing research is needed to explore the commonality of experience across geographies of exclusion within the privileged ‘North’ and between and across the North–South divide (Gil 2005).
174 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION Claims for fair redistribution, recognition and representation have been present within the very heart of Western capitalism, countries in the EU and the social margins of North America. The questions most posed – and not always heard – revolve around the quest for cultural space and recognition of difference, equity and social justice, as found (or not) in the policies regulating the political economy of cultural industries and, in particular, broadcasting. Our discussion of the public service model of regulation in the context of the EU and Canada showed that pressures of global market integration together with pressures exercised by national capital are diminishing the capacity of national PSBs to serve public interest objectives, just as a broader constituency of publics make claims on these state institutions. The case of broadcasting policy-makes clear the widening gap in the post-Fordist context between national interest and public interest. The transnational reach and regional and translocal appeal of broadcast media require new sets of questions about the relationship between state institutions and public interest. The shifting discourse of public interest in the case of broadcasting policy in the EU is not simply a story of the growing influence of private capital over state bodies, but also the reality of redistributive intervention at the supranational level, sometimes failing to gain national attention and legitimacy, often being absent from international negotiations about the future of communication. Our discussion shows that in the cases where public representation becomes a recognized part of the institutional arrangement of transnational and supranational relations (as in the form of the European Parliament) the inclusion of a public interest focused agenda is possible. This political inclusion should be understood as a necessary element of democratic deliberation at a supranational level. It should not be considered though as the ultimate, adequate and sufficient, form of citizen involvement, but rather as one of the additional spaces where civil society can put forth claims for redistributive justice and recognition of agency. Chapters 4 and 6 both explore the involvement of the ‘public’ in shaping communication policy agendas: in the EU case, the representational character of the European Parliament lends the EU communication policies legitimacy. In the global arena, as we see in the case of the WSIS, the inclusion of civil society fulfils this function. The quality of this involvement – both in terms of institutionalized political representation and in terms of inclusion of a loose organization of civil society actors in the process of policy-making – has been studied only recently. More empirical research is needed to provide sets of longitudinal data and the qualitative information needed to assess and evaluate the conditions under which framing, representing and advocating policy change corresponds to fluctuations of power within the institutional framework of regional constellations of
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- Page 192 and 193: Bibliography Abramson, Bram Dor and
- Page 194 and 195: BIBLIOGRAPHY 181 Bell, Daniel (1973
- Page 196 and 197: BIBLIOGRAPHY 183 Crossroads: Whose
- Page 198 and 199: BIBLIOGRAPHY 185 ECA (Economic Comm
- Page 200 and 201: BIBLIOGRAPHY 187 Garnham, Nicholas
- Page 202 and 203: BIBLIOGRAPHY 189 Series on Gender a
- Page 204 and 205: BIBLIOGRAPHY 191 International Cent
- Page 206 and 207: BIBLIOGRAPHY 193 Klein, Hans and Mi
- Page 208 and 209: BIBLIOGRAPHY 195 Millar, Melanie St
- Page 210 and 211: BIBLIOGRAPHY 197 Park, Donghyun (20
- Page 212 and 213: BIBLIOGRAPHY 199 Sarikakis, Kathari
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CONCLUSION 173<br />
the experiences of the South, we explored common features of the ways<br />
in which postcolonial states negotiated the terms of telecommunications<br />
policy. The cases of Brazil, China <strong>and</strong> India are of importance partially<br />
because of their relative economic power as emerging economies <strong>and</strong> because<br />
of the support <strong>and</strong> opposition by multiple publics about the cost of<br />
rapid global integration. We saw that novel forms of policy intervention<br />
<strong>and</strong> contestation are at play in both the area of access to telecommunications<br />
infrastructure <strong>and</strong> in the related area of access to content. Public<br />
discontent over corruption linked to the neoliberal development agenda<br />
is apparent in dem<strong>and</strong>s for accountability from state bodies involved in<br />
telecommunications reform as well as transnational <strong>and</strong> local capital. In<br />
all three cases, the state continues to play a central role in mediating<br />
redistributive concerns – at times articulated through a nationalist discourse<br />
against the growing influence of multilateral institutions, dominant<br />
Northern nation-states <strong>and</strong> TNCs. We have also seen new forms<br />
of South–South alliance emerge both contesting the dominant rules of<br />
trade in the WTO <strong>and</strong> establishing a development agenda within WIPO.<br />
Similarly, we have seen the emergence of competing alliances <strong>and</strong> formations<br />
such as the India–Brazil–South Africa (IBSA) trilateral initiative<br />
<strong>and</strong> other efforts among Southern nations, in collaborating on a ‘social<br />
agenda’ in trade <strong>and</strong> technology-related areas. These efforts should not<br />
be seen as a panacea to the limits of the neoliberal regulatory regime,<br />
but deserve greater research <strong>and</strong> inquiry. In this spirit, researchers <strong>and</strong><br />
activists have turned their attention to the Brazilian example in taking the<br />
lead through its ‘digital inclusion’ policies with its state-sponsored initiatives<br />
in using <strong>and</strong> promoting open-source software <strong>and</strong> how this model<br />
may be replicated by states across the North–South divide (Gil 2005).<br />
In the specific area of telecommunications reform, the gaps between the<br />
information ‘haves’ <strong>and</strong> ‘have-nots’ were not expressed solely in terms<br />
of class, but also through urban versus rural divides, gender disparities,<br />
caste, race <strong>and</strong> regional distinctions. Consequently, dem<strong>and</strong>s for access<br />
bring together ‘unpredictable’ combinations of social actors. It is in this<br />
context, that greater attention must be paid to the institutional <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
logics of emerging information societies of the South. We feel that<br />
there is a pressing need for transolocal <strong>and</strong> transnational comparative as<br />
well as ethnographic research that connects the everyday experience of<br />
citizens having access to <strong>and</strong> being excluded by (tele)communications <strong>and</strong><br />
ICT services, that can offer new insights into the role institutional actors<br />
including state bureaucracies, private firms <strong>and</strong> civil society across the<br />
world. Detailed, process-tracing research is needed to explore the commonality<br />
of experience across geographies of exclusion within the privileged<br />
‘North’ <strong>and</strong> between <strong>and</strong> across the North–South divide (Gil 2005).