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STUDY OF COMMUNICATIONS AND MEDIA POLICY 5 American successes in shifting the discourse of policy, which ultimately shapes its outcome. We cannot but point to the writings of Kathy Ferguson, who, referring to the similar case of the sterilized (‘neutral’) field of public administration studies, argues that bureaucratic discourse ‘rebuffs the project of social criticism and political change’ (1984: 82). We also assert that a separation of politics from policy (Bobrow et al. 1977), apart from being an artificial, ideologically loaded position that falsely claims neutrality, is neither possible nor desirable nor purposeful for the project of critical analysis of and reflection upon the contexts that determine the availability of communication channels and conditions for personal and cultural, social and political expression. Feminists across a variety of disciplines have historically focused on the politics of practice, whether writing about the realm of elite politics and political decision-making or ‘personal’ politics. Policy, in its form of governmental or other state-like authority-derived assertions, and lack thereof, has never been considered irrelevant to or unwanted from political analysis in the writings of Staudt (1998), which address development and international policy-making, or by feminists in the field of ICTs, technology and media (Cockburn 1998; Cockburn and Ormrod 1993; Crow and Longford 2004; Huws 2003; Wajcman 2005). In the era of globalization, or more precisely of market and finance integration, the actors involved in decision-making are located not only at the national level but also at the supranational, regional and local, transnational (institutional bases spanning more than one nation) and translocal (institutional bases spanning more than one city across nations) levels. This means that influential policy actors are based not only in national governments but also in supranational bodies, regional and local administrations as well as transnational and translocal networks and corporations. Concentrated in the terrain of ‘elite’ politics these institutions can be formally organized or loosely affiliated to the state, through such things as subcontracted organizations or think tanks. Policy actors participate in policy-making processes that often take place in informal settings that are difficult to document and map. Alongside the official, documented and institutionalized realm of policy-making, we recognize that there is also the ground of politics occupied by publics that engage in more informal ways with the social outcomes of policy shifts whether as audiences, consumers, citizens or merely by exclusion. The politics of everyday life, cultural expression and intentional as well as informal dissent is for this study a structuring component of the field of global communications policy. Although these publics are not the central object of analysis in this book, the underlying assumption of our work is that critique and social change is inseparable from practice and agency. Our approach to the

6 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION analysis of communications policy takes as its ‘measuring standard’ not the outcomes for media industries or transnational actors but the interest of the publics, in terms of recognition as political subjects, democratic participation in policy processes and equality of social outcome. Therefore, throughout this work, we take into account the hegemonic constructions of meanings surrounding major policy directions and we juxtapose them to the realities of material and symbolic experience of the minoritized majorities. In this process, two factors central to the contextualization and affirmation of communication policy occupy a prominent position in our study: technology and the state. Their role within the context of capitalism (and its ideologue of ‘free market’) in serving as and constructing hegemonic discourses about the drives and necessity for policy will be systematically investigated in the following pages. Making sense of global markets, the state and communications Early analysts of globalizing trends in communications argued that we were witnessing a significant change in the role and power of the nationstate to govern in matters of national interest. For proponents of globalization, new ‘technologies of freedom’ allowed citizens to subvert government control (Pool 1983) enhanced by a ‘borderless world’ where nation-states were rendered powerless over market forces that they could no longer control (Ohmae 1990: 80). They argued that the rapid proliferation of new technologies coupled with the decline of the role of governments in regulating national broadcasting and telecommunications would expand the range of choices for consumers. The expansion of private communication networks across national boundaries and the rapid circulation of information through new media – threatened the notion of state sovereignty and promised greater accountability and overall efficiency of communications services. For critics, the perceived, diminishing power of nation-state has to be understood in the context of the growing influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) to override national sovereignty and undermine democratic accountability. Political economists of communication asserted that the freedom of the market celebrated by critics of government intervention failed to account for the anti-democratic tendencies associated with the shrinking of public debate resulting from global media conglomeration and the information disparities between the wealthy and poor, a consequence of privatization and deregulation (Herman and McChesney 1997; Schiller 1996). Social scientists today are generally more circumspect about the ‘withering away of the state’ and the emergence of a ‘borderless world’. While some question the very idea that any kind of historical transformation has

STUDY OF COMMUNICATIONS AND MEDIA POLICY 5<br />

American successes in shifting the discourse of policy, which ultimately<br />

shapes its outcome. We cannot but point to the writings of Kathy Ferguson,<br />

who, referring to the similar case of the sterilized (‘neutral’) field of<br />

public administration studies, argues that bureaucratic discourse ‘rebuffs<br />

the project of social criticism <strong>and</strong> political change’ (1984: 82). We also<br />

assert that a separation of politics from policy (Bobrow et al. 1977), apart<br />

from being an artificial, ideologically loaded position that falsely claims<br />

neutrality, is neither possible nor desirable nor purposeful for the project<br />

of critical analysis of <strong>and</strong> reflection upon the contexts that determine<br />

the availability of communication channels <strong>and</strong> conditions for personal<br />

<strong>and</strong> cultural, social <strong>and</strong> political expression. Feminists across a variety of<br />

disciplines have historically focused on the politics of practice, whether<br />

writing about the realm of elite politics <strong>and</strong> political decision-making or<br />

‘personal’ politics. <strong>Policy</strong>, in its form of governmental or other state-like<br />

authority-derived assertions, <strong>and</strong> lack thereof, has never been considered<br />

irrelevant to or unwanted from political analysis in the writings of Staudt<br />

(1998), which address development <strong>and</strong> international policy-making, or<br />

by feminists in the field of ICTs, technology <strong>and</strong> media (Cockburn 1998;<br />

Cockburn <strong>and</strong> Ormrod 1993; Crow <strong>and</strong> Longford 2004; Huws 2003;<br />

Wajcman 2005).<br />

In the era of globalization, or more precisely of market <strong>and</strong> finance integration,<br />

the actors involved in decision-making are located not only at<br />

the national level but also at the supranational, regional <strong>and</strong> local, transnational<br />

(institutional bases spanning more than one nation) <strong>and</strong> translocal<br />

(institutional bases spanning more than one city across nations) levels.<br />

This means that influential policy actors are based not only in national<br />

governments but also in supranational bodies, regional <strong>and</strong> local administrations<br />

as well as transnational <strong>and</strong> translocal networks <strong>and</strong> corporations.<br />

Concentrated in the terrain of ‘elite’ politics these institutions can be formally<br />

organized or loosely affiliated to the state, through such things as<br />

subcontracted organizations or think tanks. <strong>Policy</strong> actors participate in<br />

policy-making processes that often take place in informal settings that<br />

are difficult to document <strong>and</strong> map. Alongside the official, documented<br />

<strong>and</strong> institutionalized realm of policy-making, we recognize that there is<br />

also the ground of politics occupied by publics that engage in more informal<br />

ways with the social outcomes of policy shifts whether as audiences,<br />

consumers, citizens or merely by exclusion. The politics of everyday life,<br />

cultural expression <strong>and</strong> intentional as well as informal dissent is for this<br />

study a structuring component of the field of global communications<br />

policy. Although these publics are not the central object of analysis in<br />

this book, the underlying assumption of our work is that critique <strong>and</strong> social<br />

change is inseparable from practice <strong>and</strong> agency. Our approach to the

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