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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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164 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

Feminist economists such as Swasti Mitter <strong>and</strong> Celia Ng have conducted<br />

extensive empirical research on employment in ICT-based industries in<br />

the South to argue for greater state intervention to improve the ‘quality<br />

<strong>and</strong> quantity’ of jobs for women workers fostering sustainable as opposed<br />

to export-led development. 15<br />

Deliberation through difference: lessons for transnational public<br />

interest advocates<br />

Feminist advocacy within the WSIS process shows the ways in which<br />

redistributive claims over appropriate technology <strong>and</strong> basic ICT access<br />

are deeply entangled in claims for recognition marked by gender, class,<br />

race <strong>and</strong> nationality, among other differences. We have argued that two<br />

decades of debates over representation within transnational civil society<br />

have given advocates for gender justice a wider perspective on how to<br />

challenge the Eurocentric claims of human rights without ab<strong>and</strong>oning<br />

an emancipatory vision of social justice. The notion that both states <strong>and</strong><br />

corporations need to be held accountable to universal principles of social<br />

justice is an indisputably positive outcome of the ‘MacBride legacy’. We<br />

have argued that building on this legacy, we must recognize the need for<br />

a normative framework of social justice that incorporates recognition,<br />

redistribution <strong>and</strong> representation as linking issues of ‘development’ with<br />

concerns about individual <strong>and</strong> community ‘rights’.<br />

If we consider the issue of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs), for instance,<br />

we can see how expansive redistributive claims coupled with claims<br />

for recognition based on community rights can successfully challenge IS<br />

discourse <strong>and</strong> practice. Relevant to this discussion is the fact that civil<br />

society organizations have worked with state actors, specifically states<br />

where there are vibrant social movements engaged in policy-making<br />

more broadly – in this case Argentina, Brazil, India <strong>and</strong> South Africa,<br />

among others. Since the 1986 signing of the controversial TRIPS Agreement<br />

in the GATT strongly advocated by the US <strong>and</strong> its Northern allies,<br />

Southern nation-states have formed alliances among themselves <strong>and</strong> also<br />

with civil society organizations to oppose the implementation of freetrade<br />

norms, especially in the area of agricultural seeds <strong>and</strong> medicine.<br />

Northern nations <strong>and</strong> TNCs have meanwhile pushed for patenting of<br />

plants <strong>and</strong> other living organisms against arguments for community use<br />

of resources <strong>and</strong> the need for affordable transfer of technologies to promote<br />

economic <strong>and</strong> technological development (Shashikanth 2005). The<br />

battle over TRIPs has taken place at the WTO <strong>and</strong> more recently at<br />

WIPO, where Argentina, Bolivia <strong>and</strong> Brazil were successful in 2004 of<br />

convincing the general assembly to adopt a resolution that established a

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