Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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160 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
the ‘civil society family’ ( Jensen 2005). The structural organization of<br />
the Gender Caucus thus allowed for regional meetings with local organizations<br />
<strong>and</strong> individuals, with an emphasis on incorporating perspectives<br />
from the South especially leading up to the second phase of the summit.<br />
The brief appearance of ‘gender’ in matters of primary or basic education<br />
in the proposed topics <strong>and</strong> outcome of the WSIS, directly related to the<br />
UN Millennium Declaration <strong>and</strong> UN Millennium Development Goals,<br />
was thanks to intense lobbying by the Gender Caucus of the WSIS. Here<br />
we see the formulation of political claims around both redistribution <strong>and</strong><br />
recognition, offering a novel perspective on framing development goals<br />
that were unsurprisingly seen as restrictive or too ‘limiting’ by the US<br />
delegation. 14<br />
Feminist activists argued from the beginning that a sense of technological<br />
determinism, insensitivity to gender inequalities <strong>and</strong> the dominance<br />
of male ‘experts’ was rampant across all three multistakeholder bodies,<br />
including civil society organizations that promoted ‘gender-blind <strong>and</strong><br />
hence male-centered’ policy interventions (Jensen 2005).<br />
Feminist groups within the Gender Caucus raised the issue of the human<br />
rights of girls, women <strong>and</strong> marginalized communities in the context<br />
of the Global War on Terror; ‘We cannot hope for an information society<br />
that promotes the highest values of humankind if we do not address<br />
meaningfully the ways in which information <strong>and</strong> communications channels<br />
including the media can be harnessed in the service of peace, <strong>and</strong> in<br />
strong opposition to all illegal wars’ (George 2003). Gender justice advocates<br />
argued for greater ‘gender sensitive infrastructure development’,<br />
affordable universal access <strong>and</strong> sustainable <strong>and</strong> appropriate technologies,<br />
prioritization of free <strong>and</strong> open software <strong>and</strong> attention to gender biases in<br />
educational <strong>and</strong> employment opportunities associated with ICTs, among<br />
other areas.<br />
ICTs as a policy concern constitute a complex combination of education<br />
<strong>and</strong> educational cultures for the training of specialists: organizational<br />
<strong>and</strong> working structures <strong>and</strong> cultures for the further research <strong>and</strong><br />
development but also use of technology; structures for access <strong>and</strong> determination<br />
of such use according to needs; the political economic <strong>and</strong><br />
cultural context within which individuals <strong>and</strong> groups can participate in<br />
this development <strong>and</strong> use it on equal terms; <strong>and</strong> the chances for participating<br />
in decision-making structures that influence the future of ICTs<br />
<strong>and</strong> the mechanisms that would promote free <strong>and</strong> emancipatory expression<br />
through such technological means. We have argued throughout that<br />
gender is a fundamental factor of social organization, inherent in any<br />
aspect of social <strong>and</strong> economic life, from education to the labour market<br />
but also from the media images promoting the sales or adaptation of