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CIVIL SOCIETY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE 159<br />

this dilemma reflects the structural inequality embedded in institutions of<br />

global governance, where the transcultural resonance of claims associated<br />

with negative freedoms – in this case the freedom of information from<br />

state control for example – displaces claims associated with inequality.<br />

The dilemma of displacement is inextricably linked to the third political<br />

dimension of social justice: representation. The last section of the<br />

chapter examines the vexing question of representation by exp<strong>and</strong>ing on<br />

feminist critiques, which help us interrogate the discourse of civil society<br />

<strong>and</strong> social justice in the field of global communication governance.<br />

Gender, power <strong>and</strong> place<br />

In this section, we argue that despite the limitations imposed by the<br />

ITU’s multistakeholder structure, the Gender Caucus within the WSIS<br />

allowed for the articulation of more expansive claims for recognition <strong>and</strong><br />

redistribution as well as greater emphasis on the issue of representation.<br />

We contend that this is a reflection of decades of volatile <strong>and</strong> invariably<br />

productive discussion about how to formulate campaigns for global<br />

social justice while paying attention to difference. If Northern CSOs<br />

most actively engaged in the WSIS process can trace their origins to the<br />

legacy of the MacBride Commission, then the gender justice advocates<br />

who took part in WSIS have a separate trajectory from the 1985 <strong>and</strong><br />

1995 UN-sponsored Summit on Women in Nairobi <strong>and</strong> Beijing which<br />

set the stage for two decades of transnational advocacy <strong>and</strong> fierce debate<br />

over women’s empowerment, gender equality <strong>and</strong> norms of modernization.<br />

The individuals <strong>and</strong> organizations that became involved in the<br />

WSIS process through the establishment of the multistakeholder Gender<br />

Caucus in 2002 in Mali brought a wealth of experience in transnational<br />

mobilization grounded in broader social concerns than most activists <strong>and</strong><br />

policy-makers in the relatively narrow world of ICT governance.<br />

One of the problems facing gender advocates in WSIS is the ‘fragmentation’<br />

of policy generally combined with the approach that gender is an<br />

issue that can be dealt with after the basic working structures or problems<br />

have been solved. In other words, gender is seen as a secondary rather<br />

than an organizing factor, an ‘added’ element in the policy agenda that is<br />

dealt with after the ‘urgent’ business is attended to. It is also treated as a<br />

‘subcategory’ in selected policy ‘sections’. It was only in 1998 that the ITU<br />

set up a taskforce on ‘gender issues,’ producing gender awareness guidelines<br />

for policy-making <strong>and</strong> regulatory agencies only in 2001. In 2002, the<br />

multistakeholder Gender Caucus was formed at a regional preparatory<br />

meeting in Mali with funding from development agencies within several<br />

Nordic states <strong>and</strong> UNIFEM, in contrast to the other caucuses within

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