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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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CIVIL SOCIETY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE 153<br />

The lack of emphasis <strong>and</strong> meaningful intervention on redistributive<br />

claims should be seen as a problem of representation. In fact, as these<br />

Northern-based CSOs have gained technical competence to challenge<br />

dominant state <strong>and</strong> corporate interests, a variety of analysts at the WSIS<br />

argued that delegates from civil society based in the South were underrepresented<br />

<strong>and</strong> often did not have the requisite ‘expertise’ in technical<br />

areas of intellectual property (IP) regulation or the intricacies of Internet<br />

governance (Sreberny 2005; Kleinwächter 2004a). Overall, participation<br />

by civil society was highly ‘Eurocentric’, with experts arguing that<br />

European CSOs dominated discussions. Southern CSOs were seen to lack<br />

‘human, financial <strong>and</strong> technical resources’ (Dany 2004), coupled with the<br />

fact that CSOs from Africa were deemed relatively ‘young organizations’<br />

(Cammaerts <strong>and</strong> Carpentier 2005). Although active in the preparatory<br />

process, African groups were not ‘active participants’ in the summit in<br />

Geneva. Active participation in this context is defined by ‘securing access<br />

to all official documents, to the negotiation process <strong>and</strong> by participation<br />

rights (e.g. the right to observe or to vote)’ (Dany 2004). Similarly, experts<br />

cite the high cost of attendance <strong>and</strong> reliance on European languages<br />

to account for the low turn-out of Southern CSOs more generally, <strong>and</strong><br />

point to the negative impact of authoritarian regimes to account for the<br />

underrepresentation of Asian organizations. 10<br />

The second phase of the summit followed another series of PrepCom<br />

<strong>and</strong> regional meetings in 2004 <strong>and</strong> 2005, with civil society deliberations<br />

‘characterized by difference, division, <strong>and</strong> questions of identity <strong>and</strong> representation’<br />

(Banks 2005). Key figures from the groups centrally involved<br />

in the WSIS process like Seán Ó Siochrú (2004) from the CRIS campaign<br />

<strong>and</strong> Karen Banks (2005) from APC pointed out that questions about the<br />

legitimacy of civil society were increasingly raised by US-backed conservative<br />

groups challenging the social justice platform on issues like<br />

intellectual property rights. Although this is no doubt a disturbing trend,<br />

organizations <strong>and</strong> individuals from the South also raised the opposite set<br />

of concerns, about the lack of focus on more expansive claims for both<br />

recognition <strong>and</strong> redistribution.<br />

The CRIS campaign <strong>and</strong> others most involved in the Civil Society<br />

Bureau focused on the fact that Tunisia – an authoritarian state with an<br />

inexcusable record on freedom of information – was to host the second<br />

summit. The Tunisian state’s decision to ban the planned parallel Citizen’s<br />

Summit heightened concerns raised about freedom of expression<br />

<strong>and</strong> human rights. At the summit, some 150 people attended a demonstration<br />

to support a hunger strike organized by the Tunisian Human Rights<br />

League protesting against the censorship of the human rights issue within<br />

Tunisia. The cruel irony of Tunisia hosting a summit on the Global

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