Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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142 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
mainly focused around the political <strong>and</strong> administrative nature – <strong>and</strong> future<br />
– of ICANN. Some scholars seem to agree that ICANN represents<br />
a first democratic experiment in global electronic governance, an institutional<br />
realm outside the framework of national legitimacy bound with<br />
the nation-state that dem<strong>and</strong>s a global democratic ‘plan of governance’.<br />
Its foundational origins as a not-for-profit private (<strong>and</strong> therefore not<br />
state) organization with more open participatory structures is considered<br />
a cause célèbre for some scholars (Kleinwächter 2004a; Klein <strong>and</strong> Mueller<br />
2005). Nevertheless attempts to broaden the base of decision-making,<br />
such as the ICANN-at-large, has not resulted in any significant progress,<br />
as we shall see in the following chapter. The ICANN experiment attracts<br />
the favourable attention of industry, some governments <strong>and</strong> scholars –<br />
probably for different reasons – but it also attracts criticisms by many,<br />
largely because of its elitist organization, its close affiliation with the USA<br />
government <strong>and</strong> industry in particular <strong>and</strong> its lack of accountability. 11 Deriving<br />
from the WSIS process, proposed changes to the governance of<br />
the internet echo those offered by the dominant WSIS discourse based<br />
on the allegory of ‘competition’: here the competition is proposed on<br />
the political <strong>and</strong> institutional level whereby internet users can choose<br />
their ‘preferred’ alternate governing system (see, for example, Klein <strong>and</strong><br />
Mueller 2005). Obviously the questions over legitimacy, control <strong>and</strong> jurisdiction<br />
over the names <strong>and</strong> domains <strong>and</strong> the nervous system of the<br />
electronic age become technical in definition, as technology takes its toll<br />
of these debates, with the effect that large parts of civil society become<br />
alienated from the debate. Furthermore, although the technicology of<br />
the largely political question ‘who owns’ the Internet discourages those<br />
actors with less technical expertise <strong>and</strong> functions as a filter of participants<br />
<strong>and</strong> agendas, Internet Governance, in effect, although significant, has<br />
become the focal point for the energies <strong>and</strong> resources of civil society to<br />
a large extent, with the result that policy issues that do not fit directly<br />
under the ‘umbrella’ of internet governance enjoy less attention.<br />
In the following chapter we examine the role of civil society in more<br />
detail as well as the shortcomings of treating technology as a neutral<br />
factor in the determining of future global socioeconomic developments<br />
for ICTs, communication <strong>and</strong> cultural rights. We approach this issue by<br />
adopting a view from the social margins, the minoritized majorities, as<br />
we specifically examine a vision of the IS from a feminist perspective,<br />
exposing the violence of gender-neutral assumptions in current policy<br />
formulations. In this discussion the recurrent questions of redistribution<br />
<strong>and</strong> recognition take centre stage to guide us towards a normative framework<br />
that will help explain the plurality of visions for an electronic global