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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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THE INFORMATION SOCIETY 135<br />

‘limited’ to economic policy (Nulens <strong>and</strong> Van Audenhove 1999). It does<br />

not do so, by trying to direct policies towards the solution of social problems<br />

but calls upon governments to deal with them, while at the same time<br />

together with the IMF imposing economic policies upon countries with<br />

the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP). Its overall philosophy leans<br />

closer to liberalization <strong>and</strong> the market than the development of national<br />

state or communitarian-driven policies for IS, more favourable to the private<br />

sector <strong>and</strong> market mechanisms covering the ‘wishes’ of consumers<br />

with the public sector forming ‘partnerships’ with the private sector in<br />

order to cover those areas that the market will not be able to address, especially<br />

in the first years. World Bank policies concentrate on prioritizing<br />

private enterprises, restricting the role of the state <strong>and</strong> directing pressure<br />

for the state to improve its capabilities where its role is still regarded<br />

as necessary. As a consequence of the hyper-liberalization process, increasingly<br />

the state in the developing world is losing its ‘jurisdiction’ <strong>and</strong><br />

negotiating power to determine the pace <strong>and</strong> nature of domestic markets,<br />

<strong>and</strong> this necessarily will take the form of increased dem<strong>and</strong>s to correct<br />

social inequalities with less means in the h<strong>and</strong>s of public authorities.<br />

Owing to its previous attention to the socioeconomic dimensions of<br />

telecommunications the ITU was criticized by the USA as being too<br />

politicized, a similar argument exercised against UNESCO when the organization<br />

tried to launch a platform of socially responsible policies, as<br />

we discussed in chapters 2 <strong>and</strong> 3, with the effect that the USA withdrew<br />

its membership from UNESCO. In the ITU case, the USA <strong>and</strong> other<br />

countries withdrew their funding with the consequence that the ITU<br />

sought private funds to support its activities. This situation is evident<br />

today during the World Summit on Information Society, one of the most<br />

significant events for the implementation of policy globally, as we discuss<br />

below. The ITU’s African Green Paper brought the institution back to a<br />

more prominent position in international policy next to the World Bank.<br />

The document ‘admitted’ the limited success of state-owned telecommunications<br />

<strong>and</strong> was therefore seen to move away from its ‘political’<br />

support of state control over post, telecoms <strong>and</strong> transport. Despite this<br />

more favourable approach to liberalization, the ITU paper proposes a<br />

‘modified’ version of liberalization where independent national agencies<br />

have the power <strong>and</strong> the means to oversee the operation of private <strong>and</strong><br />

public telecoms operators as well as function as arbiters between these<br />

operators <strong>and</strong> the consumers (ITU 1996).<br />

In the same year, the United Nations’ Economic Commission for<br />

Africa (ECA) designed a charter of policy principles for the developing<br />

world, encapsulated in the African Information Society Initiative<br />

(AISI). AISI identifies a set of policy issues that are not identical to those

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