Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
THE INFORMATION SOCIETY 133<br />
that is imposed upon national policies <strong>and</strong> across the developing world<br />
with only a few exceptions in the degree of liberalization. At the national<br />
level, <strong>and</strong> in particular in countries with weak infrastructure such as the<br />
African continent, the pressure for privatization is felt more strongly.<br />
First, as Audenhove et al. argue, the very ‘quality’ of national companies<br />
<strong>and</strong> infrastructure – <strong>and</strong> especially telecommunications – does not correspond<br />
to investors’ criteria, which is something that makes the position<br />
of negotiation of even countries such as South Africa, with probably the<br />
best telecoms in the continent, problematic. At the time of writing, the<br />
best rate of Internet use in the African continent belongs to the Seychelles<br />
with nearly 15 per cent of Internet use <strong>and</strong> South Africa with 7 per cent<br />
(ITU 2005) compared to the USA with 55 per cent <strong>and</strong> Australia with<br />
56 per cent (ITU 2005). Figure 5.6 provides a comparative listing of the<br />
situation in African countries in 2003 regarding Internet use <strong>and</strong> availability<br />
of PCs. As the reader will immediately become aware, even the<br />
wealthiest economies are far behind any conceivable approximation to the<br />
rates <strong>and</strong> pace of Internet access <strong>and</strong> ICT use of the post-industrialized<br />
world. Within the African context, at the lowest end of the scale, Ethiopia,<br />
Niger, the Central African Republic <strong>and</strong> Sierra Leone are reporting between<br />
10 <strong>and</strong> 14 Internet users per 10,000 inhabitants while countries like<br />
Egypt, Botswana <strong>and</strong> Tunisia have between 2 <strong>and</strong> 4 personal computers<br />
per 100 people.<br />
Many African nations continue to negotiate crippling debts which reduce<br />
state autonomy to intervene through social policy as well as the<br />
legacies of colonial division that have fostered civil war, genocide <strong>and</strong><br />
discrimination. Under external pressures, these governments have used<br />
privatization of their national sectors as a ‘symbolic’ gesture, a ‘positive<br />
signal to private local <strong>and</strong> foreign investors’ (Nulens <strong>and</strong> Van Audenhove<br />
1999: 397–8). They have also tried to reduce other debts through the sale<br />
of what effectively is or has been regarded as national or public property.<br />
As we have argued previously, telecommunications <strong>and</strong> other infrastructural<br />
industries like air transportation have been at the centre of this<br />
liberalization wave because of their role in allowing access to markets<br />
<strong>and</strong>, in particular, linking production to distribution sites in the North.<br />
Any policy for ‘development’ should take into account the voices of these<br />
nation-states <strong>and</strong> their citizens. Instead, global policies are drafted within<br />
closed consultative contexts <strong>and</strong> limited scope. Writing about the Digital<br />
Opportunity Task Force (DOT), a policy with the principal aim to<br />
exp<strong>and</strong> the domain of e-commerce, Shade argues that this, as do other<br />
top-down policies, adheres to the modernization paradigm. She notes<br />
‘the legitimization of global capitalism as a natural <strong>and</strong> vaunted state of<br />
affairs needs to be questioned, particularly when the discourse of the