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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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THE INFORMATION SOCIETY 133<br />

that is imposed upon national policies <strong>and</strong> across the developing world<br />

with only a few exceptions in the degree of liberalization. At the national<br />

level, <strong>and</strong> in particular in countries with weak infrastructure such as the<br />

African continent, the pressure for privatization is felt more strongly.<br />

First, as Audenhove et al. argue, the very ‘quality’ of national companies<br />

<strong>and</strong> infrastructure – <strong>and</strong> especially telecommunications – does not correspond<br />

to investors’ criteria, which is something that makes the position<br />

of negotiation of even countries such as South Africa, with probably the<br />

best telecoms in the continent, problematic. At the time of writing, the<br />

best rate of Internet use in the African continent belongs to the Seychelles<br />

with nearly 15 per cent of Internet use <strong>and</strong> South Africa with 7 per cent<br />

(ITU 2005) compared to the USA with 55 per cent <strong>and</strong> Australia with<br />

56 per cent (ITU 2005). Figure 5.6 provides a comparative listing of the<br />

situation in African countries in 2003 regarding Internet use <strong>and</strong> availability<br />

of PCs. As the reader will immediately become aware, even the<br />

wealthiest economies are far behind any conceivable approximation to the<br />

rates <strong>and</strong> pace of Internet access <strong>and</strong> ICT use of the post-industrialized<br />

world. Within the African context, at the lowest end of the scale, Ethiopia,<br />

Niger, the Central African Republic <strong>and</strong> Sierra Leone are reporting between<br />

10 <strong>and</strong> 14 Internet users per 10,000 inhabitants while countries like<br />

Egypt, Botswana <strong>and</strong> Tunisia have between 2 <strong>and</strong> 4 personal computers<br />

per 100 people.<br />

Many African nations continue to negotiate crippling debts which reduce<br />

state autonomy to intervene through social policy as well as the<br />

legacies of colonial division that have fostered civil war, genocide <strong>and</strong><br />

discrimination. Under external pressures, these governments have used<br />

privatization of their national sectors as a ‘symbolic’ gesture, a ‘positive<br />

signal to private local <strong>and</strong> foreign investors’ (Nulens <strong>and</strong> Van Audenhove<br />

1999: 397–8). They have also tried to reduce other debts through the sale<br />

of what effectively is or has been regarded as national or public property.<br />

As we have argued previously, telecommunications <strong>and</strong> other infrastructural<br />

industries like air transportation have been at the centre of this<br />

liberalization wave because of their role in allowing access to markets<br />

<strong>and</strong>, in particular, linking production to distribution sites in the North.<br />

Any policy for ‘development’ should take into account the voices of these<br />

nation-states <strong>and</strong> their citizens. Instead, global policies are drafted within<br />

closed consultative contexts <strong>and</strong> limited scope. Writing about the Digital<br />

Opportunity Task Force (DOT), a policy with the principal aim to<br />

exp<strong>and</strong> the domain of e-commerce, Shade argues that this, as do other<br />

top-down policies, adheres to the modernization paradigm. She notes<br />

‘the legitimization of global capitalism as a natural <strong>and</strong> vaunted state of<br />

affairs needs to be questioned, particularly when the discourse of the

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