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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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120 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

students, struggle to keep up with technology <strong>and</strong> make meaningful use<br />

of computer-mediated communication, because of structural <strong>and</strong> organizational<br />

constraints (Seiter 2005). For example, although the number<br />

of pupils per instructional computer at schools has fallen from twelve in<br />

1998 to five in 2002, more than half of the country’s pupils (55 per cent)<br />

do not use a computer for their coursework. Furthermore, although the<br />

vast majority of teachers working at schools with computer <strong>and</strong> internet<br />

access has been given support to integrate computers in their teaching,<br />

poor funding for schools in low-income neighbourhoods, failing technologies,<br />

lack of time <strong>and</strong> general overload of work for teachers, <strong>and</strong><br />

policy reforms designed around market-based incentives <strong>and</strong> penalties<br />

for educators constrain or prohibit the use of ICTs (see OECD 2004;<br />

Seiter 2005; Virnoche <strong>and</strong> Lessem 2006).<br />

From history to a ‘New World’ future: the dominance<br />

of market visions<br />

In the US, the IS vision grew as an extension of shifts in telecommunications<br />

policy discourse that led to the deregulation of the industry<br />

in 1984 followed by liberalization in 1996. As examined in Chapter 3,<br />

telecommunications constitute the backbone of the IS, the infrastructure<br />

upon which the more symbolic, ‘ethereal’ world of cybercommunication<br />

is based. Mattelart (2001) claims that anti-trust efforts against AT&T’s<br />

private monopoly prepared the way for the gradual withdrawal of public<br />

accountability over the private communications infrastructure. As we<br />

have argued in the previous chapter, regulatory shifts originating in the<br />

US in the 1980s undermined the ‘modern infrastructure ideal’ associated<br />

with public ownership or oversight of transport, energy <strong>and</strong> telecommunications<br />

(Graham <strong>and</strong> Marvin 2001). At the same time, however, IBM’s<br />

monopoly came out of these changes unharmed, as this (computer <strong>and</strong><br />

technology production) was a field where the government did not see the<br />

need to regulate. In 1991, the achievements of militarized IS technologies<br />

found a testing ground with the first Gulf War (<strong>and</strong> second phase later in<br />

1993). Star Wars that had been temporarily suspended were again revived<br />

by President of the USA George W. Bush in 2001. Indeed, the direction<br />

for the militarization of much of the IS project is a criticism echoed by<br />

NGOs <strong>and</strong> grassroots organizations at the World Summit on Information<br />

Society (WSIS Civil Society 2003). Initially, the NII programmatic conceptions<br />

of the Clinton era Democratic Party included strong references<br />

to the potential of using telematics for social purposes in the early 1990s.<br />

Telemedicine <strong>and</strong> educational <strong>and</strong> training centres became for a brief<br />

period part of the comprehensive agenda of a ‘New World Information

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