Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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106 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
l<strong>and</strong>scape. What we are now witnessing can be compared to the changing<br />
communications environment in the late 1980s <strong>and</strong> it is reasonable to<br />
expect it to constitute a second wave of liberalization of communications,<br />
this time including the complete liberalization of content <strong>and</strong> goods that<br />
can be transferred <strong>and</strong> therefore distributed through digital means. The<br />
financial motives behind this new regulatory wave of reregulation are to<br />
be found in the profits generated by intellectual rights on conventional<br />
<strong>and</strong> digital content.<br />
Cultural content <strong>and</strong> public broadcasting: Quo vadis?<br />
As we can see, the redefinition of cultural content <strong>and</strong> the role of public<br />
service broadcasting have been two of the most significant areas of negotiation<br />
<strong>and</strong> opposition in the field of international broadcasting policy.<br />
These traits can be found across countries with strong PSB traditions,<br />
while those without face greater difficulty in their efforts to develop a<br />
public broadcasting system. National PSBs have been under growing<br />
pressures from telecommunications <strong>and</strong> media transnationals in their<br />
march to conquer new <strong>and</strong> emerging markets. The degree of the ability<br />
to protect <strong>and</strong> indeed autonomously develop a new identity has depended<br />
largely on the negotiating power of individual states with the forces of<br />
market integration <strong>and</strong> globalization. In the case of the EU, the traditions<br />
of identifying national identity with a present PSB have brought<br />
the debate over the future of PSBs to the parliamentarian plenaries <strong>and</strong><br />
consequently to the negotiating table of the EU. The matter has been<br />
of such significance that it has been one of the legislative fields that contributed<br />
not only to the definition of the EP as a co-legislator (with unique<br />
institutional power in global politics in comparison to other representational<br />
institutions) but also affected the direction of the EU <strong>and</strong> added<br />
an unusual note to international agreements.<br />
As the decline of PSBs in many parts of the world <strong>and</strong> the failure to<br />
establish such forms of public communication spaces signals the need for<br />
better designed policy <strong>and</strong> participation, it is evident that the issues of<br />
recognition gain a central position in the global arena of macro-economic<br />
integration <strong>and</strong> institutional change. Again, legitimating discourses of<br />
this era, technological determinism with its variation of technological<br />
nationalism (Young 2000) <strong>and</strong> neoliberalism, seek to underwrite global<br />
<strong>and</strong> local media markets. Resisting ideas <strong>and</strong> counter policies – often<br />
originating from subordinate actors <strong>and</strong>, in the case of the EU, together<br />
with their political representatives – put firmly on the agenda<br />
dem<strong>and</strong>s for redistribution but also for recognition. 12 Fraser’s definition<br />
of recognition is careful to address the ‘status’ rather than ‘perception’ of<br />
recognition <strong>and</strong> dispels the assumed purity of stability of culture <strong>and</strong>