Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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102 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
ownership. It is always more difficult to reverse a phenomenon rather<br />
than prevent its spread in the first place. Given the powerful position<br />
of most of these media <strong>and</strong> their powerful positions within their own<br />
countries (in the respective German, Finnish or Greek markets) <strong>and</strong> the<br />
role of the media in affecting <strong>and</strong> generally influencing voting behaviour<br />
<strong>and</strong> elite politics, it is rather hard to imagine how any policy can be<br />
pursued that can break away from the now well-secured status quo of<br />
ownership. The EP has maintained a public (albeit elite) debate on the<br />
need for regulation at an EU level <strong>and</strong> has fought the good fight for the<br />
last two decades on the front of media ownership without much success,<br />
as it came face to face with national <strong>and</strong> transnational capital interests.<br />
A first directive on pluralism, produced by the Commission in 1996<br />
initiated by the EP, was badly defeated <strong>and</strong> the Commission was forced to<br />
withdraw it hastily. The arguments against any form of regulation, often<br />
repeated by scholars <strong>and</strong> analysts, derive largely from the objections of<br />
industrial lobbies to the measurement of concentration. It was argued<br />
that ownership concentration would be impossible to measure, as concentration<br />
for one country may be just ownership for another. The different<br />
(market) size of nation-states <strong>and</strong> the organization of media systems were<br />
also presented as major problems for the definition of ‘concentration’ <strong>and</strong><br />
therefore the definition of the problem <strong>and</strong> its solution. Although market<br />
sizes <strong>and</strong> particularities in the organizational cultures of media systems<br />
might be part of the difficulty in constructing a prescriptive <strong>and</strong> detailed<br />
policy, the lack of any substantial control has only helped existing players<br />
(with considerable access to national political elites) to exp<strong>and</strong> their operations.<br />
An exmple of this is the Antenna Group, owned by a Greek media<br />
mogul who controls 40 per cent of Greek television audience, owns radio<br />
stations in Greece <strong>and</strong> has exp<strong>and</strong>ed to Cyprus <strong>and</strong> Bulgaria. Although<br />
Kyriakou (the owner of Antenna, who also owns its own journalism school<br />
in Greece) is not in the same financial league as Murdoch, he is nevertheless<br />
the owner of a regional transnational media company <strong>and</strong> very<br />
close to the newly elected conservative government in Greece. Similarly,<br />
other European companies are using the TVWF not only to transmit audiovisual<br />
goods <strong>and</strong> services but also to acquire shares in national media.<br />
There emerges within the very space of Europe a situation of internal<br />
media imperialism, alongside the much-debated American media or cultural<br />
imperialism (Sarikakis 2005). Exemplified by the development of<br />
media technologies, the consequences of the absence of restrictive regulation<br />
are noted anew by the European Parliament which is trying to<br />
bring back onto the agenda the subject of ‘pluralism’. But even the calls<br />
made by the sixth European Parliament for regulation are unlikely to<br />
lead the Commission to introduce a directive that can bring any changes.<br />
The question of pluralism <strong>and</strong> diversity seems to be addressed in a rather