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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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102 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

ownership. It is always more difficult to reverse a phenomenon rather<br />

than prevent its spread in the first place. Given the powerful position<br />

of most of these media <strong>and</strong> their powerful positions within their own<br />

countries (in the respective German, Finnish or Greek markets) <strong>and</strong> the<br />

role of the media in affecting <strong>and</strong> generally influencing voting behaviour<br />

<strong>and</strong> elite politics, it is rather hard to imagine how any policy can be<br />

pursued that can break away from the now well-secured status quo of<br />

ownership. The EP has maintained a public (albeit elite) debate on the<br />

need for regulation at an EU level <strong>and</strong> has fought the good fight for the<br />

last two decades on the front of media ownership without much success,<br />

as it came face to face with national <strong>and</strong> transnational capital interests.<br />

A first directive on pluralism, produced by the Commission in 1996<br />

initiated by the EP, was badly defeated <strong>and</strong> the Commission was forced to<br />

withdraw it hastily. The arguments against any form of regulation, often<br />

repeated by scholars <strong>and</strong> analysts, derive largely from the objections of<br />

industrial lobbies to the measurement of concentration. It was argued<br />

that ownership concentration would be impossible to measure, as concentration<br />

for one country may be just ownership for another. The different<br />

(market) size of nation-states <strong>and</strong> the organization of media systems were<br />

also presented as major problems for the definition of ‘concentration’ <strong>and</strong><br />

therefore the definition of the problem <strong>and</strong> its solution. Although market<br />

sizes <strong>and</strong> particularities in the organizational cultures of media systems<br />

might be part of the difficulty in constructing a prescriptive <strong>and</strong> detailed<br />

policy, the lack of any substantial control has only helped existing players<br />

(with considerable access to national political elites) to exp<strong>and</strong> their operations.<br />

An exmple of this is the Antenna Group, owned by a Greek media<br />

mogul who controls 40 per cent of Greek television audience, owns radio<br />

stations in Greece <strong>and</strong> has exp<strong>and</strong>ed to Cyprus <strong>and</strong> Bulgaria. Although<br />

Kyriakou (the owner of Antenna, who also owns its own journalism school<br />

in Greece) is not in the same financial league as Murdoch, he is nevertheless<br />

the owner of a regional transnational media company <strong>and</strong> very<br />

close to the newly elected conservative government in Greece. Similarly,<br />

other European companies are using the TVWF not only to transmit audiovisual<br />

goods <strong>and</strong> services but also to acquire shares in national media.<br />

There emerges within the very space of Europe a situation of internal<br />

media imperialism, alongside the much-debated American media or cultural<br />

imperialism (Sarikakis 2005). Exemplified by the development of<br />

media technologies, the consequences of the absence of restrictive regulation<br />

are noted anew by the European Parliament which is trying to<br />

bring back onto the agenda the subject of ‘pluralism’. But even the calls<br />

made by the sixth European Parliament for regulation are unlikely to<br />

lead the Commission to introduce a directive that can bring any changes.<br />

The question of pluralism <strong>and</strong> diversity seems to be addressed in a rather

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