Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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96 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
participation belong to the normative debate regarding the future of PSBs<br />
as well as constituting part of their assessment. Although the functions of<br />
the public service broadcasters are relevant or fulfilled at various degrees<br />
in various countries, they remain common characteristics that distinguish<br />
this form of broadcasting from the commercial one. Across Europe, but<br />
also in countries with similar concerns of financial viability, this domination<br />
of US-originated content in domestic markets, political dependence<br />
<strong>and</strong> the shrinking of the social ‘safety’ net, in the form of the welfare<br />
state, have severely destabilized the position of PSBs in domestic politics<br />
<strong>and</strong> society. This is manifested in attempts to change the structural organization<br />
of PSBs (exemplified in the case of the BBC) <strong>and</strong> reevaluate the<br />
conditions under which PSBs are supported in their m<strong>and</strong>ate.<br />
Not only Western Europe but also the ‘transitional’ democracies of<br />
Eastern Europe are facing these dilemmas. The liberalization of the communications<br />
sector has affected PSBs at multiple fronts. In several Eastern<br />
European countries, the transition of their social <strong>and</strong> economic organization<br />
into a system that embraces Western capitalism has proved wrong in<br />
its claims that media market liberalization goes h<strong>and</strong> in h<strong>and</strong> with democratic<br />
media as the dominance of political elites over state media continued<br />
undisturbed. This time, the new discourse bases its legitimacy on the<br />
ideas that PSBs are pivotal in ensuring diversity, an idea that is used ‘as<br />
a cover for paternal or authoritarian communication systems’ (Williams<br />
1976: 134, cited in Splichal 1995: 63). New political elites (some of which<br />
derive from the previous regime) base their rule over the media on the<br />
rhetoric of ‘ “democratic” organs of the new “pluralistic” party state, that<br />
is, in the same way it was regarded by the old authorities’ (Splichal 1995:<br />
63). The emergence of public service broadcasting systems adhering to<br />
the ideals of servicing the public rather than the state is caught between<br />
state control <strong>and</strong> the market <strong>and</strong> there is little evidence to suggest that<br />
a social or public broadcasting system is flourishing in Eastern Europe<br />
(Jakubowicz 1996; Vartanova <strong>and</strong> Zassoursky 1995; Zernetskaya 1996). In<br />
most Eastern European countries, broadcasting policies have been successful<br />
in introducing media liberalization to their system but have failed<br />
to articulate an ‘idealistic’ form of public service broadcasting, the ‘civic’<br />
or ‘social’ broadcasting system that has been the aim of critics of the old<br />
regime (Jakubowicz 2004). Instead, a ‘transfusion’ of Western guidelines<br />
<strong>and</strong> formats was introduced that is not compatible with the participatory<br />
model of public broadcasting envisioned by the intelligentsia – <strong>and</strong> not<br />
necessarily the civil society, if we accept that there is a lack of such a society,<br />
at least as understood in the West. Nor does it manage to overcome<br />
the problems of control by political elites. Differences in the political but<br />
also professional, in particular journalistic, cultures in central <strong>and</strong> eastern