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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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BROADCASTING POLICY 93<br />

Common concerns across the Atlantic: the Canadian context<br />

Without doubt however, underfunding – <strong>and</strong> the lack of political commitment<br />

to a public broadcasting ethos – is the haunting companion of<br />

Public Broadcasting Service in the USA. Political economists <strong>and</strong> critical<br />

policy studies analysts have examined at length the competing social<br />

actors that set the parameters of modern US broadcast policy embedded<br />

in the ideals of ‘corporate liberalism’, an attempt to balance a faith in<br />

individual rights in market society with the dominance of ‘giant, impersonal<br />

corporations’ (Streeter 1996: 51). Social movements that struggled<br />

for community access to the radio spectrum in the 1920s <strong>and</strong> 1930s lost<br />

to private industry with the passing of the Communication Act of 1934,<br />

which would have reserved one-fourth of broadcasting frequencies for<br />

non-profit organizations (McChesney 1993). In the decades to come,<br />

the FCC would reserve one or two channels in most markets for noncommercial<br />

broadcasters, in both radio <strong>and</strong> television, with the issue of<br />

the financing of these stations under consistent threat since the 1980s. 7<br />

Although public broadcasting in the US has done much to ‘change the<br />

character of broadcasting available to the American public’, it has been<br />

severely constrained by the fact that the FCC has historically argued that<br />

non-commercial stations should provide ‘programming that is of an entirely<br />

different character from that available on most commercial stations’<br />

(Streeter 1996: 88). Instead, with some exceptions, public broadcasting<br />

in the US is largely relegated to serve as a paternalistic (<strong>and</strong> unpopular)<br />

educator of audiences as ‘apolitical consumers’ (Streeter 1996: 204).<br />

In North America, the symbolic dominance of commercial broadcasting<br />

has defined the limits of possible public broadcasting. The struggle<br />

for the maintenance of a form of publicly owned <strong>and</strong> public interest<br />

centred broadcasting system is best exemplified in the case of Canada.<br />

Underfunding has been one of the major problems of the public service<br />

broadcasters, despite their long history in coexisting alongside commercial<br />

broadcasters since the 1950s (Raboy 1996). During the era of<br />

increased private media activity, the Canadian government reframed its<br />

approach to broadcasting policy through the Department of Communications,<br />

in an attempt to identify ‘technology’ rather than ‘free market’ as<br />

the driving force behind regulatory changes (Raboy 1990; Young 2000).<br />

From very early on, convergence between broadcasting <strong>and</strong> telecommunications<br />

became a policy issue 8 in Canada that promoted the creation<br />

of media markets <strong>and</strong> media enterprises. In the 1990s, following the shift<br />

in discourse in European policy circles, enthusiasm about the ‘Information<br />

Society’ <strong>and</strong> the Information Age became popular discourse in<br />

Canada. <strong>Policy</strong>-makers pushed for a greater role for the private sector in

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