Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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92 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
defined <strong>and</strong> organized by each Member State, <strong>and</strong> that such funding<br />
does not affect trading conditions <strong>and</strong> competition in the Community<br />
to an extent which would be contrary to the common interest, while<br />
the realization of the remit of that public service shall be taken into<br />
account. (para j Treaty of the European Community 1997)<br />
Despite the positive declarations of the PSB Protocol, as it became<br />
known, support for PSBs is still restricted by their relation to private<br />
communication industries by the clause that ‘funding does not affect trading<br />
conditions <strong>and</strong> competition’ in the EU. This is yet another example<br />
of the powers at work at a supranational <strong>and</strong> fundamental level of the<br />
constitutional definition of rights. The ‘spirit’ of European integration<br />
is captured in this paragraph as perhaps nowhere else: this fundamental<br />
piece of European identity, the concept of PSB, is renegotiated <strong>and</strong><br />
reintroduced in the internal politics of nation-states. However, this time,<br />
PSBs, a matter clearly of national importance, are subject to market-led<br />
conditions of competition <strong>and</strong> transborder mobility of goods <strong>and</strong> services,<br />
as established by the European project. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, the official<br />
recognition of the special role of publicly owned <strong>and</strong> run broadcasting<br />
systems constitutes an important public statement about the political responsibility<br />
to protect public spaces, although for a variety of not always<br />
compatible reasons, on behalf of nation-states, parliamentarians, broadcasters<br />
<strong>and</strong> media workers in Europe. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, neither PSBs<br />
nor the normative ideal of publics-centred communication ‘services’ (that<br />
is, content) came out of this battle unbruised. Once on the agenda, the<br />
case of state or public support <strong>and</strong> financing of PSBs will require the constant<br />
alertness of advocates in elite formal politics <strong>and</strong> behind-the-scenes<br />
deliberations, especially where private interests are particularly strong.<br />
Across Europe, PSBs had to defend their position <strong>and</strong> role in European<br />
societies anew <strong>and</strong> situate themselves within the market <strong>and</strong> a competitive<br />
communications system. The two main problems that PSBs have<br />
commonly had to deal with have been political interference <strong>and</strong> political<br />
dependency on the one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> declining, inadequate financing on the<br />
other. As Burgelman <strong>and</strong> Perceval (1996) argue of the Belgian PSB, it is<br />
‘absurd to discuss the crisis of public service broadcasting in terms of programme<br />
quality or public perception’ (101) when the problem of lack of<br />
political autonomy remains largely unresolved. For these authors, funding<br />
is part of this same question of political dependency that has rendered<br />
even adequate amounts of financial support insufficient. Following the<br />
general collapse of the state’s capacity in the public domain, the declining<br />
support for PSBs presents a major obstacle to an independent <strong>and</strong> public<br />
interest focused determination of the role of communication services.