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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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92 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />

defined <strong>and</strong> organized by each Member State, <strong>and</strong> that such funding<br />

does not affect trading conditions <strong>and</strong> competition in the Community<br />

to an extent which would be contrary to the common interest, while<br />

the realization of the remit of that public service shall be taken into<br />

account. (para j Treaty of the European Community 1997)<br />

Despite the positive declarations of the PSB Protocol, as it became<br />

known, support for PSBs is still restricted by their relation to private<br />

communication industries by the clause that ‘funding does not affect trading<br />

conditions <strong>and</strong> competition’ in the EU. This is yet another example<br />

of the powers at work at a supranational <strong>and</strong> fundamental level of the<br />

constitutional definition of rights. The ‘spirit’ of European integration<br />

is captured in this paragraph as perhaps nowhere else: this fundamental<br />

piece of European identity, the concept of PSB, is renegotiated <strong>and</strong><br />

reintroduced in the internal politics of nation-states. However, this time,<br />

PSBs, a matter clearly of national importance, are subject to market-led<br />

conditions of competition <strong>and</strong> transborder mobility of goods <strong>and</strong> services,<br />

as established by the European project. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, the official<br />

recognition of the special role of publicly owned <strong>and</strong> run broadcasting<br />

systems constitutes an important public statement about the political responsibility<br />

to protect public spaces, although for a variety of not always<br />

compatible reasons, on behalf of nation-states, parliamentarians, broadcasters<br />

<strong>and</strong> media workers in Europe. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, neither PSBs<br />

nor the normative ideal of publics-centred communication ‘services’ (that<br />

is, content) came out of this battle unbruised. Once on the agenda, the<br />

case of state or public support <strong>and</strong> financing of PSBs will require the constant<br />

alertness of advocates in elite formal politics <strong>and</strong> behind-the-scenes<br />

deliberations, especially where private interests are particularly strong.<br />

Across Europe, PSBs had to defend their position <strong>and</strong> role in European<br />

societies anew <strong>and</strong> situate themselves within the market <strong>and</strong> a competitive<br />

communications system. The two main problems that PSBs have<br />

commonly had to deal with have been political interference <strong>and</strong> political<br />

dependency on the one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> declining, inadequate financing on the<br />

other. As Burgelman <strong>and</strong> Perceval (1996) argue of the Belgian PSB, it is<br />

‘absurd to discuss the crisis of public service broadcasting in terms of programme<br />

quality or public perception’ (101) when the problem of lack of<br />

political autonomy remains largely unresolved. For these authors, funding<br />

is part of this same question of political dependency that has rendered<br />

even adequate amounts of financial support insufficient. Following the<br />

general collapse of the state’s capacity in the public domain, the declining<br />

support for PSBs presents a major obstacle to an independent <strong>and</strong> public<br />

interest focused determination of the role of communication services.

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