Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad
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88 MEDIA POLICY AND GLOBALIZATION<br />
not only within the EU or the wider European space but also within<br />
the international terrain of trade agreements <strong>and</strong> the emerging global<br />
governance of content.<br />
The battlefield where public service broadcasters<br />
were (nearly) slaughtered<br />
It is true that PSB is greeted as a European institution, which, free from<br />
the pressures of market competition, bases its foundational principles on<br />
the noble ideals of education, information <strong>and</strong> high-quality entertainment.<br />
Or at least this is part of the myth of PSBs. An integral part of<br />
the European model of welfare society, the PSB emerged at different<br />
times in Europe (with the first one being the BBC in the 1920s) under<br />
the organized efforts of European governments to use radio <strong>and</strong> television<br />
for the education of their citizens. Programming was meant to bring<br />
the arts to those with the least knowledge about – <strong>and</strong> possibly lowest<br />
interest in – high culture, informational programmes for farmers, morning<br />
household-focused magazines for housewives, children’s programmes<br />
<strong>and</strong> a variety of other genres of information <strong>and</strong> entertainment. Public<br />
<strong>and</strong> state-owned media also served to reinforce a sense of homogenous<br />
national culture – a tangible imagined community – by bringing home<br />
the government’s voice as news, transmitting Sunday Mass <strong>and</strong> broadcasting<br />
speeches of royalty, colonizers <strong>and</strong> political strongmen. It is of<br />
no surprise then that commercial broadcasting became partly associated<br />
with the negative freedoms associated with the free print press in the<br />
late 1980s <strong>and</strong> 1990s. From the prime minister’s hour in London to the<br />
oath to the Führer in Nazi Berlin, <strong>and</strong> from the Armed Forces-run television<br />
channel in Athens to the Franco-ruled television in Barcelona,<br />
state-controlled PSBs provided plenty of examples of unfree media <strong>and</strong> a<br />
range of propag<strong>and</strong>a strategies. Overt propag<strong>and</strong>a as well as covert persuasion<br />
has been used as one of the main functions of public service media,<br />
despite differences in the political principles behind totalitarian regimes<br />
<strong>and</strong> liberal democracies. State actors have repeatedly demonstrated hostility<br />
to community, pirate <strong>and</strong> citizens’ media throughout the twentieth<br />
century by criminalizing radio transmission on unlicensed frequencies.<br />
This situation continues today whereby government policies push pirate<br />
radio stations out of available frequencies, in order either to make room<br />
for commercial enterprises or otherwise to control the distribution of<br />
airwaves. 2 Even in the era of digital, infinite spectrum for broadcasting,<br />
spaces for non commercial media are neither guaranteed nor protected.<br />
Despite their various degrees of autonomy, PSBs were rather closer to<br />
the government than to ‘impartiality’. 3 Having been financially supported